EDUNEWS & VIEWS
Is Something Really Wrong With India’s Education System?
From NEET paper leaks to education spending and ASER learning outcomes, here’s what the data reveals about the strengths and weaknesses of India’s education system.
A Sonam Wangchuk hunger strike over exam leaks has put education back in the headlines. The data underneath the headlines tells a more complicated story about India’s education system than any single protest can.
On a hot July afternoon at Jantar Mantar, New Delhi, Sonam Wangchuk sat on an indefinite hunger strike for the third week running. The Ladakhi educationist, known for decades of quiet work on schooling in the trans-Himalayan region long before he became a familiar face on the evening news, was not protesting for Ladakh this time. He was protesting for something that touches every Indian household with a child preparing for a competitive exam: the integrity of the system that decides who gets to become a doctor, an engineer, or a civil servant.
His demand was blunt — the resignation of the Union Education Minister, over the repeated leaking of question papers, most recently NEET-UG. By mid-July, doctors at Delhi’s Safdarjung Hospital had moved him in for observation as his health declined. Whatever one makes of the politics around him, the strike forced a question into the open that has been sitting quietly under the surface for years: is something actually wrong with Indian education, or is this one more news cycle that will pass once the cameras move on?
The honest answer, once you sit with the numbers, is both. Some things are visibly getting better. Others have been broken for so long that the system now treats the brokenness as normal.
India’s Education System Is at a Crossroads
Start with the trigger for Wangchuk’s protest, because it is the most visible symptom. In May 2026, the National Testing Agency did something it had never done before — it cancelled NEET-UG itself, the exam held on 3 May, after a leak scandal, and handed the matter to the CBI. It was not the first time. NEET’s predecessor, AIPMT, was scrapped entirely in 2015 after the Supreme Court called it a national shame. NEET 2024 produced 67 students with a perfect score of 720 out of 720, an anomaly that triggered nationwide protests; the Supreme Court eventually let the exam stand but ordered a limited re-test for 1,563 candidates after acknowledging that at least 155 students had directly benefited from a leak in Bihar. Independent tallies of major recruitment and entrance exams — NEET, UGC-NET, state police and teacher-eligibility tests among them — count at least eight to a dozen serious leak episodes between 2024 and 2026 alone.
This is not a story about one exam or one government. It is a story about what happens when a country tries to sort tens of millions of young people through a small number of high-stakes gates, using an examination infrastructure that has not kept pace with the scale of demand it is asked to manage. Roughly 2.3 million candidates sit for NEET each year. When the gate itself cannot be trusted, the damage is not abstract — it lands on families who spent years and savings preparing a child for a fair shot.
The Money Question Nobody Quite Answers
Wangchuk’s protest is about exams, but the deeper argument about Indian education has always been about money — specifically, how much of it the state is willing to commit.
In 1966, the Kothari Commission recommended that India spend 6 percent of GDP on education. Sixty years on, the country has never got there. The Economic Survey’s own figures show total education spending — centre and states combined — sliding from 2.8 percent of GDP in 2017-19 to 2.7 percent in 2021-22, before edging back to around 2.9 percent more recently. The Union Budget for 2026-27 gave education its largest rupee allocation ever, ₹1,39,289 crore, split roughly ₹83,562 crore for schools and ₹55,727 crore for higher education. The headline sounds generous. But measured against a Union Budget that has itself grown to over ₹53 lakh crore, education’s share has actually shrunk — down to about 2.6 percent of the total outlay, compared with roughly 3 percent a few budgets ago. The rupee number grows every year; the priority, measured as a share of what the country spends on everything else, has been quietly declining.
Compare this with what other economies do. Developed nations typically spend upward of 10 percent of GDP on education when private and public spending are combined; India’s combined centre-state figure sits closer to 4-5 percent, and the Union government’s own direct spending is a much smaller sliver of that. This is the least politically charged number in the whole debate — it has stayed roughly the same distance from the 6 percent target under governments of every stripe. That consistency is itself a data point: underfunding education relative to ambition is not a partisan failure, it is a structural one.
Where the National Education Policy actually stands
Much of the reform activity in Indian education over the last five years has been an attempt to implement the National Education Policy of 2020, the third such policy since Independence and the first sweeping rewrite of school and higher education since 1986. It is worth pausing on where that project actually stands, because the honest picture is split down the middle: the school-level changes are running roughly on schedule, while the bigger institutional promises in higher education are not.
On the school side, the old 10+2 structure has been replaced by the 5+3+3+4 framework — foundational, preparatory, middle and secondary stages — and the National Curriculum Framework for School Education, which spells out what each stage is meant to teach, was notified in 2023. The push for mother-tongue or regional-language instruction up to Class 5 is underway, unevenly, across states. Crucially, the foundational literacy and numeracy campaign under NIPUN Bharat is the same effort ASER 2024 credited for the reading and arithmetic gains described later in this piece — which suggests that where NEP’s school-level reforms have actually reached classrooms, the data backs them up.
Higher education tells a different story. The Academic Bank of Credits, which lets students bank and transfer credits across institutions, is operational and covers more than 620 universities. The Common University Entrance Test is in its sixth year and now draws over 25 lakh applicants. The four-year undergraduate degree with multiple entry and exit points has been adopted by most central universities, though state universities have been slower, citing faculty shortages and infrastructure gaps. Three foreign university campuses are now running on Indian soil under the new rules.
But NEP’s central institutional promise — a single Higher Education Commission of India to replace the UGC, AICTE, NCTE and the tangle of professional councils that currently regulate different corners of higher education — has not materialised. A bill to create it was introduced in 2024 and lapsed without being passed. The UGC and AICTE continue to function exactly as they did before the policy was announced. And the policy’s own financial ask has not been met either: NEP 2020 revives the same 6 percent of GDP figure the Kothari Commission proposed in 1966, while actual spending sits closer to 2.9 to 3.2 percent — the policy, in other words, inherited the funding gap rather than closing it.
There is a federal dimension to this too, worth noting without taking a side in it. Tamil Nadu, Kerala and West Bengal have resisted the three-language formula and declined to sign the MoUs required for the PM-SHRI school scheme, arguing the conditions attached amount to a central mandate on a subject the Constitution places on the Concurrent List, shared between the Centre and the states. The Centre, in turn, withheld Samagra Shiksha funds from states that did not sign, a decision Tamil Nadu has contested in the Supreme Court. Whatever the merits on either side, it illustrates a structural reality that any national education reform in India has to work through: education is not one government’s to redesign alone, and disagreements over pace and design are, in some sense, built into the system rather than a sign that the system has failed.
What that money buys — or doesn’t
Numbers on spending, and on policy intent, only matter if they translate into what children in a classroom actually know. Here the picture, to its credit, is not uniformly grim.
The Annual Status of Education Report (ASER) 2024, which surveys reading and arithmetic among roughly 6.5 lakh rural children, found the sharpest improvement in learning outcomes since 2022 — the biggest gains coming, notably, in government rather than private schools. The share of Class 3 government-school students able to read a Class 2-level text rose from 16.3 percent to 23.4 percent between 2022 and 2024, and those able to do subtraction jumped from about 20 percent to nearly 28 percent over the same period.
Read that again, though, and the improvement looks smaller against the baseline it started from. Even after this recovery, roughly three in four Class 3 students still cannot read a simple Class 2-level passage, and about two in three Class 3 students and seven in ten Class 5 students still struggle with basic arithmetic. This is the uncomfortable middle ground Indian education sits in: real, measurable progress, layered on top of a foundational learning crisis so deep that “progress” still leaves most children behind grade level.
Teachers: more of them, but not where they are needed
The government’s own UDISE+ data, released this year, shows school education crossing a symbolic threshold — over 1.02 crore teachers nationwide, up from 94.8 lakh just three years earlier. Pupil-teacher ratios have improved across every level and now sit comfortably inside the 30:1 ceiling the National Education Policy recommends. Dropout rates have fallen too: at the secondary level, from 8.2 percent in 2024-25 to 7 percent in 2025-26; at the preparatory level, from 2.3 percent to 1.8 percent over the same year.
Set against this, a Parliamentary Standing Committee report flagged something the aggregate numbers hide — vacancy rates of 30 to 50 percent in central schools like Kendriya Vidyalayas and Navodaya Vidyalayas, and roughly 10 lakh unfilled teaching posts in Samagra Shiksha-funded state schools, more than 7.5 lakh of them at the elementary level. A national average can look healthy while entire school networks remain understaffed. The pattern recurs across almost every education indicator in India: the country-wide figure moves in the right direction while the distribution underneath it stays deeply uneven, with rural districts, tribal blocks and a handful of states consistently carrying the shortfall.
Higher education’s arithmetic problem
Beyond school, the picture gets harder still. The Gross Enrolment Ratio in higher education — the share of 18-to-23-year-olds actually enrolled — has climbed from around 24 percent a decade ago to roughly 32-33 percent now. NITI Aayog has said India would need something like 2,500 universities to hit the NEP’s own target of 50 percent GER by 2035; at the current pace of institution-building, that target looks out of reach. India has fewer than 1,400 registered universities today, expanding at a rate that will not double, let alone nearly triple, in time.
The other pillar, told through the same numbers
Education rarely gets discussed alongside its natural twin, but the comparison is instructive precisely because it shows the pattern is not confined to schools and colleges. India’s public health spending has hovered around 1.9 to 2 percent of GDP for years, still short of the National Health Policy’s own 2.5 percent target that was supposed to be met by 2025. The global benchmark the World Health Organization points to for universal health coverage is 5 percent; the worldwide average is closer to 6.7 percent. Union government health spending as a share of GDP has actually fallen in recent budgets even as state governments have picked up more of the load — a near-exact echo of what is happening with education, where rupee totals rise while their share of national output and of the total budget quietly slips.
Put the two pillars side by side and a single story emerges, not of neglect exactly, but of a state that keeps announcing bigger numbers while the underlying commitment — measured against the size of the economy and the scale of need — stays roughly where it always was.
So, is something wrong?
Depending on which slice of data you hold up, you can tell two honest but very different stories about Indian education. One is a story of undeniable movement: more teachers, better pupil-teacher ratios, falling dropout rates, rising rural learning scores, a school system now generating one of the largest integrated education databases anywhere in the world through UDISE+. The other is a story of a system that still asks millions of families to gamble their child’s future on an exam whose integrity keeps failing, that has never come close to the funding levels its own commissions recommended sixty years ago, and where a majority of ten-year-olds still cannot read a book meant for eight-year-olds.
Both stories are true at once. That is, in fact, the most accurate way to describe where Indian education stands in 2026 — not collapsing, not thriving, but a system whose gains keep getting undercut by the parts nobody has fixed for decades: chronic underfunding relative to ambition, an examination architecture that has not scaled with demand, and a persistent gap between what the national average shows and what a child in an under-resourced district actually experiences.
Wangchuk’s hunger strike will end, one way or another, and the news cycle will move to something else. The data underneath it will still be there, largely unchanged, waiting for whoever is willing to look at it honestly — not as a political weapon, but as an unfinished national project that both major pillars of any developing country, education and health, still deserve.
Sources: UDISE+ 2025-26 Report (Ministry of Education);ASER 2024 (Pratham/ASER Centre); Economic Survey 2024-25 and 2025-26; Union Budget documents 2026-27; Parliamentary Standing Committee on Education reports; NITI Aayog statements on higher education; National Health Policy 2017 and WHO benchmarks on health financing;
Society
Academic Diplomacy: How India Can Build Global Influence Through Universities
Academic diplomacy could give India a new source of global influence as universities, research networks and student mobility become tools of foreign policy.
As global power becomes more multipolar, India’s universities could become important instruments of academic diplomacy, building influence through students, research and institutional partnerships.
In an era characterised by fragmented geopolitics, economic realignments, and the gradual decay of unipolar hegemony, statecraft has expanded far beyond classic military projection and commercial leverage. Modern influence relies heavily on attraction, ideological alignment, and institutional networking—the foundational components of soft power. For decades, international relations theorists evaluated soft power through the lens of cultural export, public diplomacy, and foreign aid. However, as global power shifts toward a multipolar architecture, higher education has emerged as one of the most vital strategic arenas for long-term influence. Knowledge ecosystems, research networks, and student mobility are no longer merely domestic educational metrics; they are instrumentalities of geopolitical positioning. Within this evolving international framework, India stands at a critical juncture where its vast higher education apparatus must transform from an internal developmental tool into a primary engine of regional and global academic diplomacy.
Academic Diplomacy: How India Can Turn Universities into Global Influence
Academic diplomacy is different from conventional foreign policy, as it has a different timeline. Economic sanctions and defence alliances yield results in the short term, whereas academic diplomacy makes an impact through generations of diplomatic relationships. This diplomacy includes various strategies, such as having international experts, opening branches of universities abroad and organising joint research projects that create new elite-to-elite relationships. When policymakers, scholars and influential people from abroad are educated in the host country, they acquire knowledge about its culture, legal systems and values. In the past, Western countries have used their educational establishment to promote their liberal values in the world, educating people from underdeveloped countries, and bringing them into their intellectual network.
In the multipolar international order, the balance of academic competition is moving away from being centralised. Emerging economies acknowledge that depending on outside sources of knowledge has implications of certain risks, from intellectual dependency to brain drain. For India, building a strong system of academic diplomacy is more than just prestige, it is a necessity from the geopolitical point of view as the largest democracy institutions are gaining their place as leaders of the Global South. The educational landscape of India provides an opportunity to expand its influence in the regions of Asia, Africa, and beyond.
India’s Historical Legacy and Modern Mandates
The idea of India as a global educational beacon is historically rooted in its ancient heritage. Long before the establishment of the contemporary nation-states, ancient education centres acted as international centres of wisdom, luring people from all over Eurasia with the promise of learning subjects such as philosophy, geography, medicine, and logic. After gaining independence, the Indian government engaged in making use of this heritage through providing training and scholarships to students from various nations of Africa, the Mideast, and South Asia through its Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation (ITEC) Programme.
However, modern academic diplomacy demands a structural transition from historical nostalgia to modern institutional capacity. The contemporary global student population values institutional rankings, research infrastructure, seamless credit transfers, post-study work pathways, and political stability. While India’s premier technical institutions, such as the Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs) and Indian Institutes of Management (IIMs), enjoy immense global brand recognition, their historically insular focus on domestic intake limited their direct role in international student recruitment. Recognising this limitation, recent structural interventions detailed in the official framework of the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 have sought to reposition Indian higher education as globally integrated, aiming to increase international student enrolment and facilitate internationalisation at home.

Mechanisms of Projection: Institutional Footprints and Internationalisation
India’s contemporary academic diplomacy operates across three major vectors: international student recruitment, institutional offshore expansion, and strategic multilateral knowledge networks. Government-backed platforms like the official Study in India Portal were designed to streamline entry procedures, provide specialised scholarships, and market Indian higher education across target regions in Africa, Central Asia, and Southeast Asia. The value proposition is distinct: high-quality technical, medical, and liberal arts instruction delivered in English at a fraction of the cost of Western universities. By catering to price-sensitive students from developing nations, India builds goodwill and deepens economic and social linkages with emerging markets.
Concurrently, the outbound deployment of Indian public institutions marks a shift in state strategy. The launch of overseas campuses, detailed in official announcements for IIT Madras in Zanzibar and the establishment of IIT Delhi in Abu Dhabi, signals a transition from passive recruitment to active global institutional presence. These campuses serve dual strategic functions. Locally, they address acute capacity deficits in high-tier technical training across host nations. Geopolitically, they establish permanent Indian institutional footholds in key oceanic and economic nodes, acting as hubs for joint technological innovation, industrial collaboration, and strategic regional presence.
Beyond physical campuses, multilateral platforms provide another crucial dynamic for academic influence. Through regional groupings and global South summits, India has increasingly prioritised academic collaboration, joint research grants, and climate-resilience research initiatives. By spearheading collaborative research in fields such as artificial intelligence, renewable energy, tropical medicine, and digital public infrastructure, India positions itself not as an extractive knowledge consumer, but as a co-creator of solutions tailored specifically for the developing world.
Structural Friction: Domestic Realities versus Foreign Policy Ambitions
In spite of its strategic aspirations for higher education, India is blocked by serious structural challenges in fulfilling its potential as an academic global power. The key obstacle continues to be the major disparities within the domestic academic setting. While elite state-owned universities provide first-class educational services, many entities of the academic system suffer from administrative issues, inconsistent infrastructural provisions, lack of teaching staff, and complex regulation. Academic diplomacy of a country depends very much on the quality of the academic institutions available in it; it is essential to maintain high standards at home in order to project one’s image to the world.
In addition, international students have troubles connecting to their academic surroundings, getting qualified help and assistance, and establishing diversity on campus. International researchers arriving in India face a wide range of bureaucratic issues connected to visa fixing, constraints applied to housing, and the lack of practical work opportunities.
Furthermore, the global competition for intellectual capital has intensified dramatically. Middle-income powers across Eurasia and East Asia are heavily subsidising their university sectors to attract international talent, creating a highly competitive landscape for global education. If India seeks to position its universities as preferred destinations for foreign talent, academic diplomacy must receive sustained fiscal backing, simplified regulatory oversight, and dedicated institutional autonomy to design programs tailored for foreign scholars.
The Road Ahead: Building an Intentional Academic Statecraft
To create a robust academic presence in a multipolar world, India should incorporate its higher education strategy into its larger foreign policy framework. Educational diplomacy should work in conjunction with the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of External Affairs in order to function efficiently in time.
First, India must create specific scholarship schemes that would benefit future political, administrative, and technological leaders of the countries in the Global South. By providing fully merited scholarships to aspiring students from other countries, India will be able to reap high immediate diplomatic profits.
Second, authorities should give universities more operational autonomy when collaborating with foreign institutions. Making the process of obtaining dual degrees simpler, promoting joint degrees accreditation, and allowing more flexible systems of exchange can attract foreign universities and colleges to Indian institutions.
Third, academic diplomacy should not only be limited to STEM disciplines but should also span areas like social sciences, public policy, humanities, and environmental studies. In order to tackle complex global issues like climate change, digital ethics, poverty, and public health, India has a significant historical background with which it can be studied. Research institutions working on issues like Global South, simple innovation, and sustainable development should serve to transform Indian higher educational institutions into intellectual centres of the global governance debate.
Ultimately, higher education represents one of the most versatile and durable forms of soft power available to a rising state. In a global order increasingly characterised by geopolitical friction and economic volatility, classrooms and research laboratories offer spaces for sustained collaboration and shared progress. By strengthening domestic academic standards, removing administrative barriers, and projecting institutional capability abroad, India can transform its higher education ecosystem into a pillar of international diplomacy—advancing its national interests while contributing meaningfully to the global pool of knowledge.
EDUNEWS & VIEWS
Peking University and Sunway University Sign Five-Year Pact on Planetary Health
Beijing institute and Malaysian university commit to joint research, training and policy work on climate and health; Sunway planetary health chief named senior fellow at Chinese university
Peking University’s Institute for Global Health and Development (GHD) and Malaysia’s Sunway University have signed a five-year memorandum of understanding (MoU) to collaborate on research, training and policy work in planetary health, the two institutions said.
The agreement was signed on 14 August at the International Planetary Health High-Level Forum in Beijing, hosted by the Institute, before an audience of scientists and policymakers from across China.
Peking University, Sunway University: Health systems resilience, and environmental governance
Under the MoU, the two universities plan to pursue joint research projects, co-authored publications, policy briefs and shared funding applications across climate and health, health systems resilience, and environmental governance.
The agreement also provides for regular conferences, seminars and policy dialogues; exchange programmes for faculty, researchers and students, including visiting-scholar and internship opportunities; and joint curriculum development and capacity-building for early-career researchers in the field.
As part of the agreement, Professor Tan Sri Dr Jemilah Mahmood, executive director of the Sunway Centre for Planetary Health, was appointed Senior Fellow of Global Health at the Beijing institute — a recognition, the institutions said, of Malaysian leadership in the field.
“This partnership brings together two institutions with a shared conviction that the health of people and the planet cannot be separated.”
— Professor Gordon G. Liu, Dean, Peking University Institute for Global Health and Development
Professor Gordon G. Liu, dean of the Institute for Global Health and Development, said the partnership brought together “two institutions with a shared conviction that the health of people and the planet cannot be separated,” adding that the two sides would “build research and training capacity that serves not just our two institutions, but the wider region.”
Professor Sibrandes Poppema, president and vice-chancellor of Sunway University, said the MoU was “an important opportunity to strengthen collaboration across borders and disciplines in advancing Planetary Health,” and that combining the two institutions’ expertise would “deepen research, knowledge exchange and capacity-building to address the complex and interconnected challenges affecting the health of people and our planet.”
The MoU was signed by Liu; Mahmood; and Poppema.
Peking University traces its origins to the Imperial University of Peking, founded in 1898 as China’s first national comprehensive university. It now comprises six faculties, 55 schools and departments, 60 research entities and ten affiliated hospitals, with more than 48,600 students — including nearly 2,500 international students — and over 12,600 faculty and staff, according to the university.
GHD was established in 2020 with Liu as founding dean. The cross-disciplinary institute works across health economics, public health, international relations, environmental science and digital technology, and describes its mandate as addressing global health issues “from the perspective of human development.”
Sunway University is a private Malaysian institution that has been ranked among the world’s top universities by QS, and named ASEAN’s top private university by AppliedHE and Times Higher Education, the university said. Its Centre for Planetary Health, headed by Mahmood, works across three priority areas: healthy cities, health-centred decarbonisation and education reform in the field.
EDUNEWS & VIEWS
The Colleges That Will Never Welcome Another Freshman
AICTE’s closure of 58 engineering colleges is more than a regulatory exercise. It marks the sorting of India’s engineering boom into winners and losers – and leaves thousands of students wondering what happens when their college begins to disappear.
When India’s engineering education boom began in the early 2000s, colleges appeared almost overnight. Across states such as Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu, new campuses promised the same dream: an engineering degree, a campus placement, and a pathway into India’s growing technology economy.

Two decades later, that dream is being quietly re-sorted
The All India Council for Technical Education (AICTE) has confirmed that 58 engineering and technical colleges were shut through “progressive closure” during the 2025–26 academic year. Under this process, existing students are allowed to finish their degrees, but the institutions will never admit another first-year batch. In the same period, AICTE discontinued more than 950 individual engineering and technical courses — a far larger number that signals a restructuring well beyond 58 campus gates.
Read in isolation, the closures look like housekeeping. Read alongside the rest of AICTE’s own data, they tell a more interesting — and more complicated — story: India isn’t simply running out of appetite for engineering. It is running out of patience for engineering colleges that never had a real reason to exist.
Not a Few Bad Colleges, but a Sector Sorting Itself Out
Engineering remains India’s largest professional education stream. And contrary to the closures’ gloomy optics, national demand has actually been recovering, not collapsing. AICTE data shows undergraduate BTech enrolment hit an eight-year high of roughly 12.53 lakh students in 2024–25 — a 67% jump over 2017–18 — while the national vacancy rate fell to about 16%, down from over 40% earlier in the decade. Approved intake for 2025–26 has climbed further, to nearly 16 lakh seats, and the number of AICTE-approved institutions rose for the first time in six years.

So the headline closures and the headline recovery are happening at once. That is the real story: engineering education in India isn’t shrinking, it’s polarising. Demand is concentrating hard around computer science, AI and allied “new-age” branches, while core disciplines and lower-tier private colleges — often in Tier 2 and 3 towns, propped up on volume rather than reputation — are being left behind. Some institutions have reportedly cut core-branch seats by as much as half just to stay viable.
According to AICTE, the 58 colleges closed this cycle for familiar reasons: persistently low admissions, shortages of qualified faculty, inadequate infrastructure, and failure to meet prescribed operational norms. Of the 58, only three were government-aided; the rest were privately financed.
Those reasons are symptoms, not the disease. Many of these colleges were built during the 2000s and 2010s on the assumption that demand for engineering seats would keep expanding indefinitely. Regulators and state governments largely let it happen, approving new colleges and intake increases with little independent assessment of local demand. When AICTE lifted its moratorium on new colleges and seat expansion in 2023, seats surged again — but overwhelmingly into computer science and AI-adjacent branches, not into the traditional streams these smaller colleges were built around.
The market is correcting itself. It’s simply correcting toward specific colleges and specific branches, not away from engineering as a whole.

The Geography of Decline
The pattern of closures is revealing. Uttar Pradesh and Maharashtra recorded the highest number, with 12 institutions each, followed by Madhya Pradesh (8). Telangana and Punjab lost four each; Andhra Pradesh and Rajasthan, three each; Gujarat, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu, two each; and Haryana, Odisha, Uttarakhand, West Bengal and Puducherry, one each.
These are not peripheral states — several of them house some of India’s largest engineering education ecosystems, and some (Tamil Nadu, Telangana, Andhra Pradesh) are simultaneously seeing among the sharpest increases in sanctioned seats nationally, almost entirely in CSE and AI streams. That combination — colleges closing at the bottom while seats expand at the top of the same state’s system — is the clearest evidence that this is a quality and relevance sort, not a demand collapse.
It also raises uncomfortable policy questions. Did states encourage the creation of more engineering colleges than their local economies — or student populations — could sustainably support? And now that the moratorium on capacity has been lifted again, is the system simply repeating the mistake in a new, AI-shaped form, this time by over-expanding computer science seats faster than faculty, labs, or the job market can absorb them? Telangana’s High Court, for instance, upheld a state decision this year to deny colleges’ requests for more CSE seats, citing unfilled vacancies and the need to balance emerging and core disciplines — a sign regulators are already worried about repeating history.

The Students No One Is Talking About
AICTE calls this “progressive closure” because students already enrolled are allowed to complete their degrees. On paper, the arrangement protects them.
But regulations cannot account for psychology.
Imagine being a second-year engineering student and discovering that your college will never admit another batch.
The classrooms become quieter every year. Senior students graduate without replacements. Faculty members begin searching for jobs elsewhere. Campus events shrink. Recruiters may wonder whether investing time in campus visits at a closing institution is worth it at all. The institution slowly transforms from a living college into one simply completing its final academic cycle.
AICTE rightly ensures academic continuity, but continuity is not the same as confidence. For students, questions inevitably arise:
Will companies continue to recruit here?
Will laboratories remain fully staffed and operational?
Will experienced faculty stay until we graduate, or leave for stabler institutions?
Will the market start to quietly discount the value of our degree?
These anxieties rarely appear in policy documents, yet they may shape a student’s remaining college years far more than the closure order itself ever will.

The End of the Engineering Gold Rush — and the Start of a New One
India’s engineering sector is not collapsing. The country’s premier institutions — IITs, NITs, and a handful of leading state universities — continue to attract intense competition, and enrolment nationally just hit an eight-year high.
The contraction is happening elsewhere: among institutions that relied on volume rather than academic distinction, and within branches that no longer match student aspiration or employer demand.
Student preferences have shifted decisively. Computer science, AI, cybersecurity, semiconductor engineering, robotics and data science are pulling in applicants, while traditional branches at many private colleges — mechanical, civil, and others — struggle to fill classrooms even as they remain, in AICTE’s own words, “critical” to the economy. Employers, meanwhile, increasingly evaluate graduates on skills, internships, portfolios and demonstrated problem-solving rather than the degree certificate alone. The discontinuation of more than 950 individual courses this cycle reinforces just how granular this restructuring has become — it isn’t only whole colleges being cut, but entire programmes within colleges that otherwise survive.
A Moment for Rethinking Technical Education
The closure of 58 colleges shouldn’t be read simply as a story of institutional failure, and it shouldn’t be read as proof that engineering itself is in decline — the enrolment numbers say otherwise. It is, instead, a reminder that India’s engineering education model, built during an era of rapid, largely unscrutinised expansion, needs a different philosophy for a very different moment: one where CSE and AI seats are growing so fast that regulators are already debating whether to cap them, even as the colleges that bet everything on the old core-branch, mass-enrolment model run out of road.
The challenge is no longer producing more engineers. It is producing engineers — across every branch, not just the fashionable ones — whose education stays relevant to a labour market being reshaped by automation, artificial intelligence and advanced manufacturing. That demands fewer empty classrooms, stronger industry partnerships, updated curricula, and real accountability for both old-guard core-branch colleges and the new wave of AI-branded ones — not simply more campuses chasing whichever keyword is trending this admissions cycle.
For the thousands of students still studying at institutions now in progressive closure, the concern is intensely personal: finishing a degree without losing confidence in its value.
For policymakers, the question is bigger, and it cuts both ways. If the old engineering boom is over for some colleges, and a new one is already inflating around AI and computer science for others — what should replace the model that let both of these things happen unsupervised the first time?
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