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India Has Nearly Closed the Gender Gap in Higher Education. Why Are IITs Still Behind?

Women in IITs remain significantly underrepresented despite gender parity in higher education. Here’s what the latest data reveal.

Dipin Damodharan

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Women in IITs, an analysis
Women have nearly achieved gender parity across India's higher education system, but remain significantly underrepresented in the country's premier engineering institutions. Illustration/EdPublica

Women in IITs remain significantly underrepresented even as India has nearly closed the gender gap in higher education. Drawing on the latest government data, this analysis examines why elite engineering institutions continue to lag behind national trends, and what the disparity reveals about the country’s STEM education pipeline.

Walk into any Central University classroom in India today and you will find, on average, roughly as many women as men. Walk into an IIT lecture hall and the ratio flips hard: for every woman, there are more than three men. Both classrooms sit under the same ministry, funded from the same budget, governed by the same national policy. Only one of them has moved with the country.

That contrast is the story. India’s higher education system, taken as a whole, has quietly crossed a line few people are talking about: women are no longer under-represented in Indian classrooms. They are, on the official numbers, slightly ahead. The country’s most prestigious technical institutes have not caught up to that shift. Some have barely moved at all.

The national picture: parity, and then some

The government’s own numbers make the “closing gap” claim hard to argue with. The Gender Parity Index for higher education — the ratio of female to male Gross Enrolment Ratio — stood at 1.08 in 2023-24, per the All India Survey on Higher Education. That means female participation has now outpaced male participation, and has done so for seven straight years. Female GER climbed to 31.2 against 30.0 for men. Women make up 49.5 percent of undergraduate students, 56.2 percent of postgraduate students, and 49.8 percent of those pursuing a PhD.

The shift is sharpest in STEM. Women accounted for 44 percent of STEM enrolment nationally in 2023-24, up from 38.4 percent a decade earlier — a jump of nearly six points at a time when STEM enrolment itself crossed one crore students for the first time. Female enrolment in higher education overall grew 42 percent between 2014-15 and 2023-24, outpacing the growth rate for men.

By any reasonable reading, the story of Indian higher education over the past decade is a story of women closing in on parity, then passing it.

Women in IITs: Why India's Elite STEM Still Lags
Illustration/S James/EdPublica

Women in IITs: Why India’s Elite STEM Still Lags

Set that 44 percent national STEM figure next to enrolment at the Indian Institutes of Technology, and the number stops looking like part of the same trend. As of 2023-24, women make up 23.7 percent of students enrolled across India’s IITs — 35,534 out of 1,49,839, according to a written reply the Ministry of Education gave in the Lok Sabha on 3 August. Barely half the national STEM average. Roughly one woman for every three men.

This is not a new problem breaking through — it is an old one that never moved while everything around it did. A 2021 government report already flagged that female enrolment was lowest at India’s Institutes of National Importance, the category that includes the IITs, even as the national Gender Parity Index was crossing 1.0 for the first time that year. Four years on, the national figure has kept climbing. The IIT figure has not caught up.

The Pipeline Begins Long Before IIT

The imbalance does not begin with the Joint Entrance Examination. It begins much earlier in the education system. Although girls now enrol in higher education at slightly higher rates than boys, they remain less likely to choose the mathematics and physics combinations that dominate engineering entrance examinations. Researchers studying gender participation in STEM have long argued that educational choices are shaped well before university admissions—by social expectations, access to coaching, family perceptions of engineering careers, and the absence of women role models in technical fields. By the time students sit for JEE Advanced, much of the gender gap has already been built into the pipeline.

The quota is already doing more work than the headline number suggests

Here is where the story gets sharper, not softer. The 23.7 percent enrolment figure is not what the entrance exam alone would produce — it is propped up by policy.

Since 2018, IITs have reserved 20 percent of seats for women through a supernumerary quota — extra seats added on top of the regular intake, not carved out of it. Data from IIT Kanpur’s Joint Implementation Committee reports, compiled by Careers360 across five admission cycles, shows what that quota is compensating for. In JEE Advanced 2024, only 16.5 percent of qualifying candidates were women — 7,964 out of 48,248. In 2025, that share rose to 17.3 percent, still the highest qualification rate for women in five years at 21.7 percent of female registrants clearing the cut-off, up from 18.7 percent in 2021.

Run the comparison straight: without the quota lifting enrolment above what the merit list alone would produce, IIT campuses would likely look closer to 1 woman in 6, not 1 in 4. The quota is not a symbolic gesture. It is currently responsible for roughly a third of the female presence on IIT campuses.

There is a second detail in the same data worth sitting with. The number of seats reserved for women under the quota grew from 1,534 in 2021 to 3,664 in 2025. But the ratio of qualifying women to reserved seats fell over the same period, from 4.2 women per seat to 2.56. The quota was once heavily oversubscribed. It is becoming less so — not because fewer women are qualifying, but because the seat pool reserved for them has grown faster than the pool of qualifying candidates. What that means for the IITs’ own targets, and whether it changes how the quota is administered, is a question for the institutes and the Joint Admission Board to answer directly.

Policy can widen access. It cannot create applicants.

The supernumerary quota has undoubtedly increased the number of women studying at the IITs, but it also highlights the limits of admission policy. Expanding seats can improve representation inside campuses only if enough women choose the engineering pathway in the first place. The data suggest that the next phase of reform may lie less in admissions policy than in strengthening the school-to-STEM pipeline, encouraging girls to pursue mathematics and physics, and addressing the social barriers that shape career choices long before students apply to an IIT.

If the story were simply “elite science education is hostile to women,” the IISERs would be expected to look like the IITs. They don’t. Women make up 40.9 percent of enrolment across India’s Indian Institutes of Science Education and Research — 4,760 of 11,646 students — a figure that tracks close to the national STEM average of 44 percent rather than falling dramatically short of it, as the IITs do.

The IISERs are smaller institutions, and their admissions route has changed recently: from 2024, entry runs solely through the IISER Aptitude Test rather than the mix of JEE Advanced and KVPY scores used earlier. Gender-wise qualification data for the IAT was not available in the reporting for this piece.

Even without that data, the enrolment figure alone complicates any narrative that treats “elite STEM” as a single, uniformly male-dominated category. It isn’t. The IITs are the outlier within their own peer group, not a representative case of it.

A Different Institute, A Different Kind of Gap

The IIMs offer a third pattern entirely — and it runs in the opposite direction from the IITs.

Women made up 36.2 percent of candidates who registered for CAT 2024, the entrance exam that feeds India’s top management institutes, and 36.5 percent of those who actually appeared for it, according to IIM Calcutta’s official results release: 1.07 lakh female candidates out of 2.93 lakh who sat the exam. That is a healthier starting pool than the IITs manage at the JEE Advanced stage.

But final IIM enrolment in 2023-24 stood at 32.8 percent women — 7,552 of 22,997 students. The share drops by roughly four points somewhere between sitting the exam and being admitted. Unlike the IITs, there is no supernumerary quota at the IIMs to catch that fall. Something in the process between the written test and the final offer — the Written Ability Test and Personal Interview round, work-experience weighting, or something else entirely — appears to filter out women at a higher rate than men, even though they enter that stage in roughly equal proportion to their share of the exam-taking pool.

What exactly causes that drop is not something the enrolment numbers can answer. It would take conversations with admissions faculty at individual IIMs, and ideally interview-stage data broken down by gender, which institutes do not routinely publish.

What The Government Says It’s doing

The same Lok Sabha reply that supplied the enrolment numbers also points to a policy response, still in its early stages. The Union Budget for 2026-27 announced five university townships near major industrial and logistics corridors, and one girls’ hostel in every district, funded partly through viability gap financing, with the explicit stated aim of encouraging enrolment of girls in STEM institutes and courses. The announcement recognises a reality often overlooked in debates on gender and STEM: access is not determined by entrance examinations alone. For many students, especially those from smaller towns and rural districts, the availability of safe accommodation, reliable transport and affordable living arrangements can determine whether an admission offer is accepted at all. Whether these measures translate into higher enrolment will become clearer over the next few admission cycles. Since 2014, the government has also added 16 Indian Institutes of Information Technology, 8 Central Universities, 8 IIMs, 7 IITs, 2 IISERs and 12 new AIIMS — expansion that, on its own, does not address the gender composition within any of them.

Whether the hostel and township announcements move the IIT number in the way the supernumerary quota already has remains to be seen; neither has produced an admission cycle yet. Worth tracking, not yet worth crediting.

A Different Question

Three institutes, three different relationships to the same national trend. IISERs already look like the rest of the country’s STEM classrooms. IITs sit at less than half the national average, and would sit lower still without a policy intervention doing quiet, substantial work behind the headline figure. IIMs start with a reasonably representative applicant pool and lose ground to it before anyone is admitted.

India’s higher education story has entered a new phase. The question is no longer whether women are entering universities—they are. The more difficult challenge is ensuring they are equally represented in the institutions that educate the country’s future engineers, researchers, technology entrepreneurs and scientific leaders.

The national data suggest that India has largely solved one problem while another remains unfinished. Gender parity has become the norm across much of higher education. Elite technical education, however, continues to tell a different story. Closing that gap may require looking beyond admissions policies and examining the educational, social and economic factors that shape aspirations years before students ever fill out an application form.

Dipin Damodharan is an award-winning journalist, editor and media entrepreneur, and Co-founder and Editor-in-Chief of EdPublica, an independent global media platform covering education, science, research, innovation, climate and public policy. With more than a decade of experience in journalism, he has worked across print, digital and multimedia media. His reporting explores science, climate, sustainability and the social impact of research and innovation. His work has been recognised by the Solutions Journalism Network and other journalism organisations.

EDUNEWS & VIEWS

The Colleges That Will Never Welcome Another Freshman

AICTE’s closure of 58 engineering colleges is more than a regulatory exercise. It marks the sorting of India’s engineering boom into winners and losers – and leaves thousands of students wondering what happens when their college begins to disappear.

Joe Jacob

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Image:Vanessa Loring/Pexels

When India’s engineering education boom began in the early 2000s, colleges appeared almost overnight. Across states such as Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu, new campuses promised the same dream: an engineering degree, a campus placement, and a pathway into India’s growing technology economy.

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Two decades later, that dream is being quietly re-sorted

The All India Council for Technical Education (AICTE) has confirmed that 58 engineering and technical colleges were shut through “progressive closure” during the 2025–26 academic year. Under this process, existing students are allowed to finish their degrees, but the institutions will never admit another first-year batch. In the same period, AICTE discontinued more than 950 individual engineering and technical courses — a far larger number that signals a restructuring well beyond 58 campus gates.

Read in isolation, the closures look like housekeeping. Read alongside the rest of AICTE’s own data, they tell a more interesting — and more complicated — story: India isn’t simply running out of appetite for engineering. It is running out of patience for engineering colleges that never had a real reason to exist.

Not a Few Bad Colleges, but a Sector Sorting Itself Out

Engineering remains India’s largest professional education stream. And contrary to the closures’ gloomy optics, national demand has actually been recovering, not collapsing. AICTE data shows undergraduate BTech enrolment hit an eight-year high of roughly 12.53 lakh students in 2024–25 — a 67% jump over 2017–18 — while the national vacancy rate fell to about 16%, down from over 40% earlier in the decade. Approved intake for 2025–26 has climbed further, to nearly 16 lakh seats, and the number of AICTE-approved institutions rose for the first time in six years.

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So the headline closures and the headline recovery are happening at once. That is the real story: engineering education in India isn’t shrinking, it’s polarising. Demand is concentrating hard around computer science, AI and allied “new-age” branches, while core disciplines and lower-tier private colleges — often in Tier 2 and 3 towns, propped up on volume rather than reputation — are being left behind. Some institutions have reportedly cut core-branch seats by as much as half just to stay viable.

According to AICTE, the 58 colleges closed this cycle for familiar reasons: persistently low admissions, shortages of qualified faculty, inadequate infrastructure, and failure to meet prescribed operational norms. Of the 58, only three were government-aided; the rest were privately financed.

Those reasons are symptoms, not the disease. Many of these colleges were built during the 2000s and 2010s on the assumption that demand for engineering seats would keep expanding indefinitely. Regulators and state governments largely let it happen, approving new colleges and intake increases with little independent assessment of local demand. When AICTE lifted its moratorium on new colleges and seat expansion in 2023, seats surged again — but overwhelmingly into computer science and AI-adjacent branches, not into the traditional streams these smaller colleges were built around.

The market is correcting itself. It’s simply correcting toward specific colleges and specific branches, not away from engineering as a whole.

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The Geography of Decline

The pattern of closures is revealing. Uttar Pradesh and Maharashtra recorded the highest number, with 12 institutions each, followed by Madhya Pradesh (8). Telangana and Punjab lost four each; Andhra Pradesh and Rajasthan, three each; Gujarat, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu, two each; and Haryana, Odisha, Uttarakhand, West Bengal and Puducherry, one each.

These are not peripheral states — several of them house some of India’s largest engineering education ecosystems, and some (Tamil Nadu, Telangana, Andhra Pradesh) are simultaneously seeing among the sharpest increases in sanctioned seats nationally, almost entirely in CSE and AI streams. That combination — colleges closing at the bottom while seats expand at the top of the same state’s system — is the clearest evidence that this is a quality and relevance sort, not a demand collapse.

It also raises uncomfortable policy questions. Did states encourage the creation of more engineering colleges than their local economies — or student populations — could sustainably support? And now that the moratorium on capacity has been lifted again, is the system simply repeating the mistake in a new, AI-shaped form, this time by over-expanding computer science seats faster than faculty, labs, or the job market can absorb them? Telangana’s High Court, for instance, upheld a state decision this year to deny colleges’ requests for more CSE seats, citing unfilled vacancies and the need to balance emerging and core disciplines — a sign regulators are already worried about repeating history.

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The Students No One Is Talking About

AICTE calls this “progressive closure” because students already enrolled are allowed to complete their degrees. On paper, the arrangement protects them.

But regulations cannot account for psychology.

Imagine being a second-year engineering student and discovering that your college will never admit another batch.

The classrooms become quieter every year. Senior students graduate without replacements. Faculty members begin searching for jobs elsewhere. Campus events shrink. Recruiters may wonder whether investing time in campus visits at a closing institution is worth it at all. The institution slowly transforms from a living college into one simply completing its final academic cycle.

AICTE rightly ensures academic continuity, but continuity is not the same as confidence. For students, questions inevitably arise:

Will companies continue to recruit here?

Will laboratories remain fully staffed and operational?

Will experienced faculty stay until we graduate, or leave for stabler institutions?

Will the market start to quietly discount the value of our degree?

These anxieties rarely appear in policy documents, yet they may shape a student’s remaining college years far more than the closure order itself ever will.

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Image:Valentin Ivantsov/Pexels

The End of the Engineering Gold Rush — and the Start of a New One

India’s engineering sector is not collapsing. The country’s premier institutions — IITs, NITs, and a handful of leading state universities — continue to attract intense competition, and enrolment nationally just hit an eight-year high.

The contraction is happening elsewhere: among institutions that relied on volume rather than academic distinction, and within branches that no longer match student aspiration or employer demand.

Student preferences have shifted decisively. Computer science, AI, cybersecurity, semiconductor engineering, robotics and data science are pulling in applicants, while traditional branches at many private colleges — mechanical, civil, and others — struggle to fill classrooms even as they remain, in AICTE’s own words, “critical” to the economy. Employers, meanwhile, increasingly evaluate graduates on skills, internships, portfolios and demonstrated problem-solving rather than the degree certificate alone. The discontinuation of more than 950 individual courses this cycle reinforces just how granular this restructuring has become — it isn’t only whole colleges being cut, but entire programmes within colleges that otherwise survive.

A Moment for Rethinking Technical Education

The closure of 58 colleges shouldn’t be read simply as a story of institutional failure, and it shouldn’t be read as proof that engineering itself is in decline — the enrolment numbers say otherwise. It is, instead, a reminder that India’s engineering education model, built during an era of rapid, largely unscrutinised expansion, needs a different philosophy for a very different moment: one where CSE and AI seats are growing so fast that regulators are already debating whether to cap them, even as the colleges that bet everything on the old core-branch, mass-enrolment model run out of road.

The challenge is no longer producing more engineers. It is producing engineers — across every branch, not just the fashionable ones — whose education stays relevant to a labour market being reshaped by automation, artificial intelligence and advanced manufacturing. That demands fewer empty classrooms, stronger industry partnerships, updated curricula, and real accountability for both old-guard core-branch colleges and the new wave of AI-branded ones — not simply more campuses chasing whichever keyword is trending this admissions cycle.

For the thousands of students still studying at institutions now in progressive closure, the concern is intensely personal: finishing a degree without losing confidence in its value.

For policymakers, the question is bigger, and it cuts both ways. If the old engineering boom is over for some colleges, and a new one is already inflating around AI and computer science for others — what should replace the model that let both of these things happen unsupervised the first time?

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Climate

Environmental Literacy, Not Tree Planting, Is What India’s Schools Need

Awareness is not the same as literacy — and India’s classrooms are still teaching the former

Anusreeta Dutta

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Environmental Literacy, Not Tree Planting, Is What India's Schools Need
A classroom is where environmental awareness should evolve into environmental literacy, equipping students to understand the systems driving climate change and sustainability. Photo: Mehmet Turgut Kirkgoz/Pexels

Planting trees and organising awareness campaigns are valuable, but they cannot replace environmental literacy. As climate change increasingly shapes everyday life, India’s schools must teach students how environmental systems, public policy and sustainability are interconnected.

Every year, schools across India mark World Environment Day with the same rituals. Children plant saplings, make posters, join cleanliness drives, and pledge to “save the environment.” A photograph is taken, a few speeches are made, and the saplings are watered for a week or two before the event winds down and environmental education slips back to the margins of the curriculum. There is nothing wrong with planting trees. The concern is what happens when tree-planting, poster-making and occasional awareness drives become the whole of environmental education: children end up with a dangerously thin understanding of the environmental forces that already govern their lives.

India’s environmental problems are no longer confined to the classroom or the textbook. Heatwaves have thrown school timetables out of kilter. Air pollution affects children’s health and their ability to concentrate. Floods and cyclones disrupt attendance and damage school infrastructure. Water shortages are a recurring reality in many parts of the country, and waste management, plastic pollution, groundwater depletion and biodiversity loss are becoming questions of everyday survival rather than abstract concerns. Yet much of environmental education still treats the environment as something outside the classroom, and environmental protection as an occasional act of cleaning or conservation. The problem isn’t that Indian children don’t know about trees. It’s that they are rarely taught why environmental crises happen, who pays the price for them, and what other choices communities could make.

Why Environmental Literacy Matters

India has a long history of institutional efforts on environmental education. Supreme Court rulings in the 1990s pushed environmental education into schools, and the National Curriculum Framework, along with subsequent policy measures, tried to weave environmental topics into the curriculum. The National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 places considerable emphasis on environmental awareness, sustainable development and responsible citizenship. On paper, the direction looks promising. In the classroom, that intent rarely survives translation.

A student may be told to conserve electricity, but is anyone explaining where India’s electricity comes from, why coal still dominates the grid, how renewable energy is expanding, and what trade-offs come with each alternative?

A child might learn that forests matter for ecological balance, but is anyone teaching them why the trees are being cut, who owns the forest land, what happens to the communities living in or around forests, how infrastructure projects reshape ecosystems, or how climate change itself is accelerating deforestation? A student may be told to conserve electricity, but is anyone explaining where India’s electricity comes from, why coal still dominates the grid, how renewable energy is expanding, and what trade-offs come with each alternative? A pupil may be advised not to waste water, but do they understand groundwater depletion, unequal access to water, the weaknesses in urban infrastructure, or the politics of sharing rivers between states?

These are fundamentally different levels of learning. The first produces awareness. The second produces environmental literacy. India needs far more of the latter.

The Environment Is Not Only a Question of Individual Behaviour

One of the deepest weaknesses of conventional environmental education is its tendency to place almost the entire burden on the individual: turn off the lights, carry a cloth bag, don’t litter, plant a tree, use less water. These are worthwhile habits. But taken alone, they carry a quiet suggestion — that environmental destruction is essentially a matter of personal carelessness. Climate change, pollution and ecological collapse are not happening because people forget to switch off a fan or reuse a plastic bag.

They are the product of energy systems, industrial production, urban design, transport networks, agricultural practices, consumption patterns and public policy choices. When environmental education stops at individual behaviour, students may grow into conscientious consumers while remaining unaware of the institutional and political processes that actually shape environmental outcomes. They should also be taught to ask who is responsible for emissions, and why a project is sited where it is. That shift — from moral instruction to civic awareness — is the one Indian environmental education still largely has not made.

Climate Change Is Already in the Classroom

The strongest argument for rethinking environmental education is that climate change is no longer a distant subject for Indian schoolchildren — it is already shaping their school experience. Extreme heat makes classrooms uncomfortable and undermines concentration. Floods and cyclones damage school infrastructure and disrupt attendance. Air pollution curtails outdoor activity. Water scarcity affects sanitation facilities, with a disproportionate impact on adolescent girls.

These effects are not distributed evenly. A private school with air conditioning, backup power and a reliable water supply absorbs climate stress very differently from an under-resourced government school. Climate change, in other words, is not only an environmental issue — it is also a question of educational inequality. A child sitting through a heatwave in a poorly ventilated classroom experiences climate change in fundamentally different terms from a child in a climate-controlled one, yet few environmental education programmes address that disparity directly. They should. Climate literacy needs to teach children that environmental issues are inseparable from class, geography, gender, occupation and access to infrastructure.

From ‘Save the Planet’ to Environmental Justice

Another limitation lies in how environmental issues are framed. Students are told they must “save the planet.” But the planet will endure regardless. The more urgent question is what kind of civilisation humanity will be able to inhabit as environmental pressures mount — and that is where environmental justice comes in.

India’s renewable energy transition makes this complexity visible. Solar and wind power are essential to reducing dependence on fossil fuels, but large-scale projects can also mean land acquisition, damage to agricultural livelihoods, and conflict with local communities. Protecting biodiversity matters, but so do the rights of people living around protected areas. Electric vehicles cut tailpipe emissions, but their batteries depend on mineral mining with its own environmental and social costs. Recycling eases pressure on landfills, but informal waste collectors often work in hazardous, unregulated conditions.

None of this is an argument against environmental action. It is an argument for teaching students how environmental systems actually work, contradictions included. A mature curriculum should embrace that complexity rather than flatten it.

From Awareness to Environmental Literacy
Photo:  Tima Miroshnichenko/Pexels

Teachers Need Support, Not Just Demands

None of this is possible if teachers are left to carry the burden alone. Environmental education, where it exists, is often exam-driven, squeezed for time, and layered on top of an already heavy workload. Many teachers have no specialised training in climate science or environmental policy. Improving environmental education is, in large part, a question of improving teacher preparation and giving teachers the tools to connect environmental issues to subjects they already teach: geography can examine groundwater depletion, economics can study the cost of pollution, civics can look at environmental regulation, mathematics can work with climate data, history can trace industrialisation and land-use change, and language classes can practise environmental journalism and writing. Environmental education does not need a separate subject. It needs a different way of teaching the subjects that already exist.

The Classroom as a Site of Inquiry

Some of the most valuable environmental learning may not come from lectures at all. Schools can double as sites of inquiry. Students can take temperature readings in their own classrooms and study local heat patterns, check air quality where they live, map household water use, conduct waste audits, track the loss of local biodiversity, or examine power consumption and the potential for renewables. They can trace where their school’s waste actually goes. These exercises build evidence-based reasoning in a way no poster campaign can, developing skills in observation, questioning and analysis that are essential to understanding environmental issues.

Beyond Symbolic Environmentalism

Finally, what is needed is a cultural shift, not another annual ritual. Environmental education should be more than a photograph of children clutching saplings. A planted tree is visible; the systems that actually determine environmental outcomes — urban design, energy generation, water governance, waste management, industrial regulation, the distribution of climate risk — are not, and children need to understand them regardless.

India is raising a generation that will have to navigate hotter cities, strained water systems, shifting coastlines and difficult development choices. Telling children to plant trees isn’t wrong. It simply isn’t enough. The goal of environmental education should not be young people who appreciate the value of a tree, but citizens who understand how societies shape the environment — and how the environment, in turn, shapes society. That is the real difference between symbolic awareness and meaningful education.

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Society

India’s Young Dream Is Changing. Are We Ready?

From skills and employment to entrepreneurship, purpose and global aspirations, India’s youth are redefining what a successful future looks like.

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India’s young generation is navigating new opportunities, skills, careers and aspirations in a rapidly changing world.Image credit: Sanket Barik /Pexels

India’s young generation is navigating a changing job market, skills gap, career pressures and global ambitions. What can India do to build a more secure and purposeful future for its youth?

India’s youth are shaping the destiny of the modern nation state, and the country’s demographic dividend is often cited as its greatest economic advantage. Yet in the post-pandemic era, that advantage sits uneasily alongside a labour market being reshaped by technology, and alongside growing anxieties about work-life balance. Degrees and formal qualifications matter less than they once did; skills now decide who gets hired. The conventional career ladder is giving way to entrepreneurship, and local ideas are finding global audiences through a digitally connected world.

India’s Youth Face a Changing Job Market

Even in the age of the internet, young people in India’s remote villages need more than connectivity to compete for jobs. Better English communication, soft skills training and technical know-how could do much to empower farmers and young people in rural areas. The Union government’s Deen Dayal Upadhyaya Grameen Kaushalya Yojana, aimed at upskilling rural youth, is a step in this direction, but the scheme’s reach and impact deserve closer scrutiny than they currently receive.

Reducing unemployment cannot be the government’s job alone. It calls for a collective effort: a social reform movement that goes beyond electoral politics and pushes for constructive dialogue on the concerns of young people. Independent media has a role here too, in pursuing solutions-driven journalism, without fear or favour, that surfaces localised ideas for financial security and wellbeing.

Dignity of Work, Voice in Parliament

A social renaissance built on universal access to education and life-skills training, paired with a national minimum wage across sectors, would restore a basic sense of dignity to every working citizen. A national mission on youth concerns, one that cuts across party lines, is overdue. Greater youth representation in Parliament could combine the experience of older leaders with the energy of a younger population, in service of the Gandhian ideal of Sarvodaya, the upliftment of all through equal access to education, services and mentorship.

Life After the Civil Services Exam

Many young Indians aspire to the civil services, and a whole industry of coaching academies has grown around that aspiration. But only a small fraction of aspirants clear every stage of the examination and enter the service. For the rest, failure need not be an ending. Careers in media, academia and research are open to those willing to look beyond government employment. Aspirants would do well not to pour years into preparation alone; short courses and internships alongside exam preparation build a resume rich in the domains they actually care about, whatever path they eventually take.

Beyond the Rat Race

The pursuit of social prestige, at the expense of everything else, breeds burnout and a routine that feels mechanical rather than meaningful. A professional life worth having offers more than financial security; it offers peace of mind and a sense of contentment. That kind of self-reliance and purpose is possible, but it requires young people to define success on their own terms rather than borrow someone else’s definition of it.

The same is true of attention. Shrinking attention spans, a by-product of life on the smartphone, are a legitimate cause for concern in a hyper-connected era. A weekly or monthly digital holiday, however modest, can restore clarity of thought and make room for the kind of offline interaction that a screen cannot replace.

An Aspirational, Global Generation

India’s youth remain aspirational, drawn to opportunities in Europe, the Gulf and North America, and increasingly to frontiers beyond Earth. Geopolitical tensions in the Middle East, the war in Ukraine and a volatile global economy have not dimmed that ambition. Policymakers could do more to meet it at home, by building India into a genuine hub for higher education, with international students, faculty and university campuses. That transformation has already begun in pockets. What is missing is a coherent, pan-Indian policy to carry it forward, and with it, India’s aspiration to become a genuine centre of global learning.

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