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Sonam Wangchuk and the Long Story of Starving for a Cause

Sonam Wangchuk hunger strike has reignited debate over fasting as political protest, tracing a tradition from ancient Ireland and Gandhi to modern India.

Anusreeta Dutta & Pratyusha Pan

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What Sonam Wangchuk Hunger Strike Reveals About Democracy
Image credit: Sonam Wangchuk Facebook Page
Screenshot 2026 07 27 052432
BY ANUSREETA DUTTA & PRATYUSHA PAN  

Sonam Wangchuk hunger strike became one of India’s defining protests of 2026, but its significance extends far beyond a single political moment. This feature journeys through centuries of hunger strikes—from ancient Ireland to Gandhi and modern India—to understand why the human body continues to be used as the ultimate instrument of democratic dissent.

Sonam Wangchuk gave up food at Delhi’s Jantar Mantar in June 2026, protesting more than just another exam paper leak controversy. The fast was a response to a crisis that had shattered the confidence of millions of Indian students, and it also brought back one of the oldest and most ethically disturbing forms of political protest: the hunger strike. For 26 days, the 59-year-old engineer, school reformer, and climate innovator made his own body a place of protest. The simple demand: India’s education minister should resign after multiple exam paper leaks put countless academic futures at risk. But the outcome was not a quiet one. Days went by, supporters gathered round him, political leaders begged him to end the protest, and eventually Delhi Police physically removed him from the protest site and took him to hospital, acting on Delhi High Court orders issued on medical advice. Organisers said it was done against his will; police said it was necessary for his safety. Either way, the decision was taken out of his hands.

The movement did not end with him. In the days after his removal, police used tear gas to disperse students marching toward Parliament, several protesters were injured, and public anger only hardened. On 25 July, Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan announced his resignation, writing that he was “pained to see the events of the past 10 days.” The Cockroach Janta Party, the youth movement that had organised the sit-in, declared its demands met and called off the protest. Wangchuk had set the demand in motion and paid the heaviest personal cost for it, but the concession itself came four days after he had already been carried out of the square — a reminder that a hunger strike’s power often lies less in the faster’s endurance than in what it makes everyone else unable to look away from. As with previous hunger strikes, the political result was only half the story. The act itself launched a national conversation that routine petitions, speeches, and marches had failed to keep alive.

The Family Legacy Behind Sonam Wangchuk Hunger Strike

For Wangchuk, fasting has become a regular tool of his political resistance, and not always a peaceful one in its consequences. Two years earlier, he had survived for twenty-one days without food in the freezing temperatures of Leh, demanding constitutional safeguards for Ladakh through inclusion in the Sixth Schedule and a renewed dialogue on statehood. He fasted again that October. Then, in September 2025, he began another hunger strike in Leh over the same demand — one that ended very differently from the others. Days into the fast, clashes broke out elsewhere in the city; buildings and police vehicles were burned, and four people were killed.

The federal government said Wangchuk’s rhetoric had contributed to the violence and detained him without trial under India’s National Security Act, a law that permits custody for up to a year without formal charge. He spent nearly six months in a jail more than a thousand kilometres from home before the detention was revoked in March 2026. Wangchuk denied inciting the violence and asked for an independent inquiry into the deaths; his wife challenged the detention before the Supreme Court, arguing it relied on complaints that predated the unrest. The matter remains legally unresolved.

The topics have shifted, from environmental governance to educational reform, but the approach has remained remarkably consistent. Each fast is a statement of the same principle: that when the institutions won’t listen, voluntary suffering can make society listen. What the September 2025 episode adds, uncomfortably, is a reminder that the state can respond to that suffering with force rather than dialogue — and that the person fasting bears that risk alone. Sonam Wangchuk’s conviction is rooted far beyond himself.

A Hunger-Torn Legacy

Long before Sonam became an internationally renowned innovator, his father Sonam Wangyal had already used fasting as a political tool. Wangyal, a prominent leader in the former state of Jammu and Kashmir, fought for Scheduled Tribe status and constitutional protections for Ladakh’s tribal communities. He, like his son, came to see that traditional political negotiations often didn’t work. In 1984, his hunger strike drew the personal intervention of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, who travelled to Leh, met him, and persuaded him to end the fast with an assurance that the demand would be addressed. The image is still powerfully significant. It represents not only the moral force that fasting can sometimes generate but also an older political culture in which governments felt it necessary to publicly respond when citizens are willing to risk their own lives for a public cause.

Wangchuk usually describes his own movement as his father’s unfinished business. Though the constitutional demands may have been different over the years, the fundamental fight for recognition, dignity, and political voice has persisted through generations. And that continuity is an unnerving concern as well. Is the hunger strike political success or democratic failure if every generation has to use the same tactic for the same recognition?

Ancient Form of Protest

The hunger strike is often linked to Gandhi or modern India, but its roots go far deeper. Troscadh, a practice acknowledged by early Irish legal traditions, was in place centuries before constitutional democracies. If a person felt that they had been wronged, they could fast outside the offender’s house. The aim was not violence or coercion in the traditional sense of the word. Instead, it used public shaming. There was considerable social stigma associated with allowing another person to suffer openly at one’s doorstep, often demanding settlement if legal procedures failed. The premise was simple and deceptively so.

A person with little institutional power was able to turn private suffering into public accountability. With time, this moral reasoning grew to a wide range of political circumstances. Marion Wallace Dunlop was a British suffragette who refused to eat after being jailed for campaigning for women’s right to vote. Her protest inspired dozens of other activists, eventually prompting British officials to resort to force-feeding, a barbaric procedure that drew more sympathy for the suffrage cause than imprisonment itself. Terence MacSwiney, an Irish republican leader, died in British custody after a 74-day hunger strike. His death reverberated around the world and spurred international support for Irish independence. Six decades later, Bobby Sands and nine other prisoners would make the same sacrifice inside the Maze Prison, turning the prison walls into one of the most important political battlegrounds of twentieth-century Northern Ireland.

In India, fasting has traditionally been a form of resistance. Jatin Das, who was jailed with Bhagat Singh, died in Lahore Central Jail after fasting for 63 days to protest the treatment of political prisoners under British rule. His funeral attracted massive crowds all over northern India, transforming a private act of suffering into a public expression of anti-colonial sentiment. These incidents, split by country and generation, reveal a startling connectedness. Hunger strikes rarely succeed, because governments don’t suddenly develop empathy. They work because visible suffering raises the political cost of staying apathetic. No one understands this dynamic better than Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi.

Gandhi never used fasting to wring concessions from his opponents. It was an exhibition of satyagraha — the search for truth through self-discipline and self-suffering rather than through violence against others. For Gandhi, voluntary suffering was a moral appeal not just to rulers but to society, whether to oppose communal violence, caste discrimination, or to seek reconciliation after Partition. The protester did not seek to defeat an opponent in his worldview. Instead, they wanted to awaken the conscience of all. This moral insight into political resistance would have an immense impact on later movements in India and elsewhere. But the hunger strike is not only a historical custom. It also surfaces long-standing questions about the connection between power, the human body, and democratic accountability — questions that reverberate every time a protester refuses to eat in the name of justice.

What Sonam Wangchuk Hunger Strike Reveals About Democracy

When Democracy Stops Listening

Hunger strikes continue because they occupy a special niche in democratic politics: they are not violent acts or ordinary expressions of discontent but moral appeals that force communities to confront hard questions. They demonstrate the limits of institutional responses by transforming the human body into the ultimate vehicle of political communication. This method has stood the test of time, from the doorsteps of ancient Ireland to Gandhi’s satyagraha, from Jatin Das’s martyrdom to Sonam Wangchuk’s repeated fasts, not for its ability to bring political victory but for its ability to expose the moral price of official indifference. Its effectiveness has always been hit or miss. Hunger strikes have sometimes changed laws and institutions and sometimes brought only silence, jail, or death — in the space of a single year, Wangchuk’s own record now contains all three: a minister’s resignation, and, five months earlier, a detention without trial. Even if they don’t succeed in forcing instant policy change, they often succeed in changing public perception and reminding voters that democracy is as much about listening as it is about governance.

Wangchuk’s strikes raise a question that extends beyond Ladakh or exam reforms: why do citizens in the world’s largest democracy still believe the best way to be heard is by starving themselves? A healthy democracy has no business asking the people to risk their lives before their grievances are rectified. If peaceful self-sacrifice remains one of the most powerful forms of political expression, the real problem is not with those who fast, but with the institutions that make them feel they have no choice.

About the authors:

Pratyusha Pan Headshot

Pratyusha Pan is an English literature researcher whose work explores memory, history, and political thought.

Anusreeta Dutta Headshot 1 1

Anusreeta Dutta is a columnist and climate researcher with experience in political research analysis, ESG research, and energy policy.

Anusreeta Dutta is a columnist and climate researcher with experience in political research analysis, ESG research, and energy policy Pratyusha Pan is an English literature researcher whose work explores memory, history, and political thought. .

Society

Global Job Market Faces a Growing Inclusion Gap as AI and Digitalisation Reshape Work

Global employment faces a growing inclusion gap as AI and digitalisation reshape the labour market. UN and ILO reports highlight persistent informal employment, youth exclusion and unequal access to the skills needed for emerging jobs.

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Person holding a cardboard sign reading “Need a Job,” representing unemployment and the global struggle for employment.
As technology reshapes the world of work, millions continue to face barriers to secure employment and decent working conditions.Image credit:Pexels

The global economy is undergoing a profound employment transition, driven by artificial intelligence (AI), digitalisation, demographic changes and the shift towards greener industries. Yet, while these forces are expected to create new career opportunities, access to employment and the benefits of technological progress remain deeply unequal, according to the United Nations’ World Social Report 2026.

Released on October 15, the report, published by the UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UN DESA), warns that billions of people remain excluded from the jobs, skills, infrastructure and social protections required to participate in economic transformation. Its findings highlight a central challenge for policymakers: creating employment opportunities is not enough unless people can access them and secure decent working conditions.

The scale of the problem is evident in the report’s latest figures. In 2025, 58 per cent of workers worldwide were informally employed, while 27 per cent of young women aged 15–24 were neither employed nor participating in education or training. An estimated 2.2 billion people also lacked internet access, limiting their ability to benefit from digital services, online learning and emerging employment opportunities.

More Jobs, but Unequal Opportunities

The challenge extends beyond unemployment to the quality and security of work. The International Labour Organization’s Employment and Social Trends 2026 report estimated that global unemployment would remain at 4.9 per cent in 2026, equivalent to approximately 186 million people. However, nearly 300 million workers continued to live in extreme working poverty, surviving on less than US$3 a day. The report also projected that 2.1 billion workers would be in informal employment in 2026, often without adequate social protection or employment security.

Young people face particular difficulties entering the labour market. According to the ILO, youth unemployment reached 12.4 per cent in 2025, while approximately 260 million young people were not in employment, education or training. For many, the transition from education to work remains uncertain, particularly where economies fail to generate enough productive jobs.

These challenges coincide with substantial changes in the kinds of jobs employers expect to need. The World Economic Forum’s Future of Jobs Report 2025, based on projections from more than 1,000 employers, estimates that technological, economic, demographic and green-transition trends could create 170 million jobs globally by 2030 while displacing 92 million. This would produce a net gain of 78 million jobs. However, the report warns that the transition will require extensive workforce adaptation. Nearly 40 per cent of workers’ existing skills are expected to change by 2030, and 63 per cent of surveyed employers identified skills gaps as a major barrier to business transformation.

The projections suggest that the central employment challenge is not simply whether jobs will disappear, but whether workers can move into emerging roles. Demand is expected to grow in areas such as AI, data analysis and cybersecurity, alongside essential occupations in healthcare, education and agriculture. Workers whose skills do not match changing requirements risk being excluded even as new vacancies emerge.

Digital Access and Skills Will Shape the Transition

Access to technology is another dividing line. The World Bank’s Digital Progress and Trends Report 2025 identifies disparities in connectivity, computing infrastructure, relevant data and digital skills as barriers to wider participation in the AI economy. While AI adoption is expanding, high-income countries continue to dominate important areas of AI innovation and computing capacity.

Global job crisis
Ai
Youth

Representational image.Image credit:Pexels

For people without reliable internet access, affordable devices or opportunities to acquire digital skills, the shift towards online recruitment, digital services and AI-assisted work can deepen existing disadvantages. Connectivity alone, however, is insufficient: workers also need relevant training, accessible education and opportunities to apply their skills in productive employment.

The UN report argues that governments must invest in quality education, lifelong learning, digital and AI capabilities, affordable connectivity and stronger social protection. Labour-market policies must also support decent working conditions, equal opportunities and training that helps workers move between occupations.

For developing economies with large young populations, the stakes are particularly high. A growing workforce can support economic growth only when enough productive jobs are available and workers can acquire the capabilities those jobs demand. Without such opportunities, demographic potential can translate into prolonged unemployment, insecure work and widening inequality.

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After a Scorching Summer, Delhi’s Children Are Slow to Return Outdoors

Extreme heat and children are the focus of this EdPublica report. Parents in Delhi and Noida explain how rising temperatures, air pollution and changing routines are keeping children indoors.

Himanshu Arya

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extreme heat and children
Children playing outdoors in an urban setting in India. Extreme heat and air pollution can limit children's opportunities for outdoor play. Representative image: Swagoto Mondal/Pexels.

After months of extreme heat, Delhi’s children face another challenge: returning outdoors. Heat, air pollution and changing routines are reshaping how children play. EdPublica spoke to parents in Delhi to understand how extreme heat has changed their children’s play habits and what it might take to bring them back outdoors.

New Delhi: Mohini Bisht is a first-time mother. Her two-year-old son, Shomu (name changed), has just begun to string together his first words. Among the first he learned is “AC” (air conditioner). Living in the National Capital Territory, the family faces daytime temperatures that regularly reach between 42 and 45 degrees Celsius.

“Mummy, garmi lag rahi hai, AC chala do” (“Mummy, it’s hot, turn on the AC”), her son now says. He has learned to turn the AC on and off by himself. On especially humid days, he gets up and flicks the switch on his own.

In April, Delhi saw a maximum of 42.8 degrees Celsius, the hottest for that month in four years. In May, nighttime heat also broke records, with the minimum temperature hitting 32.4 degrees Celsius, the warmest May night in nearly 14 years, according to the India Meteorological Department (IMD).

In June, the heat index, or ‘feels-like’ temperature, soared to 51.3 degrees Celsius, the highest of the year. The heat index combines air temperature and relative humidity to show how hot it actually feels, not just what the thermometer shows.

“The whole day you’re just waiting for evening so you can go out,” Bisht said. As temperatures rose, she stopped taking her son out to play. “If the child gets dehydrated or faces issues, it becomes a big problem,” she said. Her parents and in-laws also advised her not to take him outside.

Children and extreme heat
Illustration: S James/EdPublica

Her caution has a basis. India’s exposure is higher than the global average. Worldwide, up to 560 million children aged 0 to 9, or 43 per cent, live through at least one additional month of heat stress a year because of climate change. In India the share is 61 per cent. For five or more months of total heat stress, the Indian share is 50 per cent, against 27 per cent globally. South Asia is one of the regions with the most children exposed: about 167 million children, or 62 per cent, face an additional month, and in Bangladesh the share is 79 per cent.

Extreme Heat and Children: The Challenge of Outdoor Play

Nearly 145 million Indian children aged up to nine, or 61 per cent of that age group, live through at least one additional month of dangerous heat stress each year because of human-induced climate change, according to a study published in August in Science Advances by researchers led by Vrije Universiteit Brussel. The study estimates that climate change has doubled the number of Indian children facing five or more months of dangerous heat a year, from 59 million to 118 million. The authors note that children are especially vulnerable because their bodies heat up faster than adults’ and regulate temperature less efficiently.

Children and extreme heat
Children enjoy playtime under a tree in New Delhi. Image credit/ Kuldeep Rajora/Pexels

Even as early October brings daytime highs in Delhi that linger in the mid-30s, according to IMD forecasts, summer is retreating from most of north India, bringing the season’s first pleasant evenings. For many families, this raises the question: after months indoors due to oppressive heat, will children return outside?

The challenges don’t end with summer. “Apart from the heat, there is also poor air quality,” said Dr Himani Narula, a development paediatrician in New Delhi. Seasonal illnesses, too, play a role: “Sometimes there is a dengue season and other times there is a flu season.” Parents worry their children will pick up infections, making it hard to let them outside for long. “For all these reasons, children are ultimately at home, even when the weather improves,” she said.

Children and extreme heat
Illustration: S James/EdPublica

The air is a genuine constraint, not just a parental worry. A 2021 study in Environmental Science and Pollution Research reported an almost 30 per cent rise in daily emergency visits for acute respiratory symptoms among Delhi’s children on high-pollution days. Last winter, the Delhi government suspended outdoor school activities in November and December after the Supreme Court warned against holding outdoor sports in hazardous air.

EdPublica spoke to seven parents from middle-class households in Noida-Delhi, all of whom said they have reorganised their days around the heat, moving their children’s playtime from evening to night to escape gruelling temperatures and humidity. They are not a representative sample, and EdPublica did not measure how much time children actually spend outdoors.

“Dinner is cooked first, then comes the outing, then a late meal and bed. The schedule has changed because of the heat,” said Sunita Kumar, a home tutor and mother of three, including a six-year-old.

Kumar, who lives in Mayur Vihar, New Delhi, worries the routine is changing children’s relationship with the outdoors. “Kids nowadays aren’t seeing the sun,” she said. “They go to school in the morning, stay inside all day, then go home. Even a one-hour tuition is indoors.” This habit, she fears, may outlast the weather. “Kids have built a habit without realising,” she said.

“Kids nowadays aren’t seeing the sun”

The pattern has research behind it. In a 2023 study in JAMA Pediatrics, researchers fitted preschoolers at a university childcare centre in Texas with activity monitors for a week. On hotter days, the children spent more of their outdoor play sedentary, about 70 per cent of it at 35 degrees Celsius against 62 per cent at 22 degrees, and less in moderate-to-vigorous activity, 21 per cent against 27 per cent. The sample was small and the temperatures were milder than Delhi’s summer, but the direction is clear. A 2022 review of more than 150 studies in the journal Temperature also warned that parents’ perception that it is “too hot to play” can further restrict children’s activity.

Moving play to cooler hours is, in fact, what heat-safety guidance advises, alongside hydration and shaded, green outdoor spaces. In that sense, the parents’ adaptation is sensible. The concern is what happens once the heat passes.

The human body and brain tend to acclimatise to repeated exposure of any kind, Dr Narula explained. Keeping children in air-conditioned rooms and away from natural weather, she said, can get their bodies used to the indoor environment and blunt their heat tolerance.

Direct evidence in children is scarce. A small study in Indoor Air compared 20 adults used to air-conditioned and naturally ventilated environments in a climate chamber, measuring skin temperature, sweat rate and thermal comfort. It concluded that long-term exposure to stable air-conditioned environments may weaken thermal adaptability. The study involved adults, not children, and does not show that air conditioning harms a child’s heat tolerance, but it makes Dr Narula’s concern plausible.

But temperature isn’t the only factor shaping how children respond to heat. Bisht notes that her son complains about the heat when alone with her, but behaves differently around friends. “If I bring him with friends or cousins, he plays on the balcony in the sun and enjoys it,” she says. “But if he’s alone with me, he voices his opinions.”

“Children’s tolerance for discomfort changes when other kids are around,” Dr Narula explained. “What the kid is saying is I will accept the discomfort of heat if it means I am enjoying time with peers.” The brain is adapting to these climatic challenges, and according to her, the child needs to get used to this conditioning.

Research on friendship and physical activity points the same way. A 2013 systematised review of friendship networks in the International Journal of Behavioral Nutrition and Physical Activity found that higher activity among friends is associated with higher activity in the individual, and longitudinal studies showed children’s activity shifting to match their friends’. Much of this work is observational, and it is hard to separate influence from children simply choosing similar friends. Still, it hints at what could bring children back outdoors: the company of other children. Parents often tell Dr Narula their kids stay home because there are few other children for them to play with.

Schools, where children already gather, are the obvious place to start, Dr Narula said. Before lessons begin, when the morning heat is lower, children could spend time in the open air, she said: sports, a prayer assembly, physical training, “any kind of activity which children can do with each other in a good setting.”

From toddlerhood through the teenage years, “children look for peers,” something that motivates them far more than being around parents, Dr Narula explained. The outdoors, she said, offers something indoor play cannot, and sunlight helps raise dopamine levels and, with them, mood.

The best-documented benefit of outdoor time in children is for eyesight. A 2024 meta-analysis in Ophthalmic Research found that children and adolescents with the most time outdoors had roughly half the risk of developing myopia of those with the least, and that risk fell as outdoor hours rose: going from 3.5 to 7 hours a week was linked with a 20 per cent lower risk. The leading explanation is that bright outdoor light prompts the retina to release dopamine, which slows the eye’s growth, though the mechanism is not fully settled. Outdoor time did not slow the progression of myopia in children who already had it.

The cooler weeks may be a short window. Whether children use it will depend less on the thermometer than on whether there is anyone outside to play with, and on how long the air stays clear enough to let them.

This article is written as part of the Media Fellowship under the Cities on Fire Initiative in Bangkok, Colombo, Jakarta and Manila and ‘Cooler Cities. Healthier Children. Brighter Futures.’ Initiative in New Delhi.

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Health

World Mental Health Day: How Late-Night Scrolling May Be Disrupting Sleep and Fuelling Anxiety

New research is examining how late-night smartphone use, disrupted sleep and passive social media scrolling may be linked to anxiety. Studies highlight the importance of digital habits and bedtime routines in understanding their potential effects on mental health, particularly among young people.

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Young man lying in bed wearing a blue sleep mask on his forehead and looking at a smartphone in dim lighting.
Late-night smartphone use may delay sleep and is being investigated for its potential links to anxiety and poor mental health.Image credit:Pexels

The day often ends with one last check of Instagram, a few minutes on YouTube or a scroll through messages before sleep. But what begins as a brief digital break can stretch late into the night, delaying bedtime and keeping the mind engaged when it should be winding down. Researchers are increasingly investigating whether this pattern of digital exposure, through its effects on sleep, may contribute to anxiety and other mental health difficulties among young people.

As World Mental Health Day is observed on October 10, emerging evidence suggests that the relationship between digital media and psychological well-being may depend not simply on how long people spend online, but also on when and how they use it.

A scoping review published in Computers in Human Behavior Reports in March 2026 examined longitudinal research on social media use and sleep among young people. The review found that approximately 70% of the longitudinal studies examined reported at least one negative association between social media use and sleep outcomes. The most consistent links involved later bedtimes and longer periods spent trying to fall asleep, particularly among those with problematic social media habits or who used platforms at bedtime.

The findings are significant because longitudinal studies track participants over time, helping researchers investigate whether digital habits precede subsequent changes in sleep. However, the authors cautioned that many studies relied on self-reported screen use and sleep patterns, limiting the strength of conclusions about cause and effect.

The review also identified an important distinction: total screen time alone did not consistently predict poor sleep. The timing of use and difficulty controlling online behaviour appeared to matter.

When sleep becomes the missing link

Sleep may help explain why certain patterns of digital engagement are associated with poorer mental health. Notifications, emotionally charged content and the pressure to respond immediately can keep users mentally alert. Scrolling in bed can also displace time that would otherwise be spent sleeping.

Insufficient or disrupted sleep can affect emotional regulation, concentration and the ability to manage everyday stress. For someone already experiencing anxiety, a poor night’s sleep may make worries more difficult to manage the following day. Repeated sleep disruption may then reinforce a cycle of distress and further digital engagement.

A systematic review and meta-analysis published in the Journal of Affective Disorders in December 2024 provides a broader picture of this relationship. Researchers assessed 182 studies involving 1,169,396 participants, with 98 studies and 102,683 participants included in the meta-analyses.

scrolling
anxiety
late-night
sleep

Representational image.Image credit:Pexels

The researchers found small but statistically significant associations between general social media use and anxiety and depression. Problematic social media use showed associations with anxiety, depression and sleep problems, alongside lower well-being. Importantly, ordinary social media use was not consistently associated with sleep problems or sleep duration, whereas problematic use was associated with sleep difficulties.

The relationship may also operate in both directions. People who struggle to sleep or experience anxiety may turn to their phones for distraction, reassurance or social connection. This can make it difficult to determine whether digital habits contribute to distress, whether distress encourages more digital engagement, or whether both are influenced by other factors.

Beyond the screen-time debate

The findings raise questions for families, schools, technology companies and public-health professionals. Advising young people to reduce screen time may be insufficient if it does not address bedtime habits, compulsive checking, online pressures and the reasons they turn to digital platforms in the first place.

Digital platforms can also provide friendship, information and mental health support. The challenge is to distinguish beneficial engagement from patterns that disrupt rest and emotional well-being.

As research advances, scientists will need to examine not only how much time young people spend online, but also what they experience there and how digital habits interact with sleep and existing vulnerabilities. The question is no longer simply whether people spend too much time on their phones. It is whether constant connectivity leaves enough room for the rest, recovery and emotional balance that mental health requires.

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