Society
Why Kerala Has Struggled to Replicate Perinjanam’s Solar Success
In Perinjanam, a small coastal village in Kerala, rooftop solar panels have transformed hundreds of households—slashing electricity bills and proving the potential of community-driven energy. Yet across Kerala, India’s most literate state, similar projects remain rare, revealing the gap between local innovation and statewide adoption. Here is how it can happen.
On a humid afternoon in Perinjanam, a coastal panchayat in Thrissur district of the South Indian state Kerala, Susheela leads me into her kitchen and points upstairs to the metal roof. The small array of solar panels there has changed the family’s daily expenses. “Before 2016, our electricity bill was over Rs 1,000 every month. After that, it rarely crosses Rs 200,” she says, folding her hands as if to show how the burden has lifted. “Installing solar panels on the roof has been undoubtedly beneficial. We’ve seen clear savings on our bills,” Susheela says.
Perinjanorjam (Perinjanam Energy), the village’s community-driven rooftop solar initiative, now powers more than a thousand households like Susheela’s and has drawn attention across India. In 2016, the panchayat embarked on what was then an audacious experiment—combining government subsidies, cooperative-bank lending, and local mobilization to make an energy self-reliant village. The results were undeniable on the ground. But the very success that made Perinjanam a poster child has not translated into a replicable model across Kerala. Nine years since its launch, and three years after high-profile endorsements and study visits, other panchayats still hesitate. Why?
The Perinjanam solar project, driven by the collective efforts of local institutions and residents, is celebrated as a model for other panchayats. For a state like Kerala, which relies heavily on electricity from outside, rooftop solar projects are crucial. By involving ordinary families, they demonstrate the strength of a decentralized approach—while also advancing India’s clean energy transition.
At COP26, India pledged 500 GW of renewable capacity by 2030. Progress has been steady, with 235.7 GW already in place, but the pace must increase. Decentralized, community-driven initiatives like Perinjanam could help bridge the gap.
What is the Perinjanam Project?
It’s an alternative electricity generation and distribution model, with participation from the public, panchayat, cooperative bank, Kerala State Electricity Board (KSEB), and Solar Energy Corporation of India (SECI), carried out in Perinjanam gram panchayat, Thrissur. Perinjanam, the first panchayat in India to generate 700 kW of rural solar power for itself, is a model for local energy self-sufficiency. Daytime electricity from the solar panels is used for household needs; the surplus is supplied to KSEB’s common pool grid. At night, homes rely on KSEB power. Electricity bills reflect the difference between what is exported and what is imported. If the exported and imported electricity quantities are equal, the only charge is meter rent. The heart of Perinjanam project is a consumer committee set up for project implementation.
Launched in 2016 by then-panchayat president Sachith KK with the support of then Kerala State Electricity Regulatory Commission (KSERC) chairman TM Manoharan, Perinjanam’s solar initiative was born out of their vision, as said by then consumer committee head Noorrudheen to EdPublica. “Sachith learned about SECI’s 500 kW subsidized scheme for solar in Kerala through Manoharan. The idea to use this for local benefit was decisive,” Noorrudheen says.
Through numerous meetings and awareness campaigns, ward members reached out house-to-house to educate people about solar. Since the project started soon after a major solar scam in Kerala, skepticism lingered. The initial plan was for a 500 kW project covering 250 homes, with rooftop units typically ranging from 1 to 5 kW. For Perinjanam residents, many of whom faced financial hardships, participation in the novel project required financial support. Both the panchayat and the cooperative bank (then under CPI(M) leadership) decided after much discussion to give low-interest, collateral-free loans to participants. Noorrudheen credits this bank loan as the key factor that made the Perinjanam project a success. With Manoharan as an advisor, KSEB offered full support. Households with bills above Rs 500 were targeted first. An active, proactive panchayat president engaged the cooperative bank, registered a consumer committee as a one-stop solution for project management, and worked with SECI for subsidies. Thus, Perinjanam stands out as a unique community-driven project involving multiple stakeholders—a model found nowhere else.
According to latest estimates, Perinjanam section’s monthly generation stood at 3.16 MW, now including Kaypamangalam and Mathilakam panchayats. “There are 1008 connections under the Perinjanam section. The project covers 956 houses. The remaining are shops and other institutions. Today the project reached a capacity of 4,305 kW. The total generation is 316,823 units,” says KSEB Assistant Engineer Thara.
The project can produce enough electricity in a year to meet the needs of roughly 4,000–6,000 rural households. Perinjanam has around 5,342 households, according to the last Census report, and a typical rural home in Kerala uses about 97 units per month. That means the plant’s full annual potential—roughly 5.17–6.89 million units—could supply most, if not all, of the panchayat’s households. So far, it has generated 316,823 units, already enough for about a year’s supply to 270 homes, a figure expected to grow as the system completes more annual cycles—enough to power nearly all homes in one or two wards of Perinjanam.
Why Hasn’t Perinjanam Been Replicated?
Apart from achieving energy self-sufficiency through solar power, a 2022 report revealed that the Perinjanam Solar Initiative reduced carbon emissions by 192,000 kilograms. Inspired by Perinjanam’s outcomes, 37 panchayats in Tamil Nadu decided to implement similar projects, and in 2022, a 45-member delegation from Tamil Nadu visited Perinjanam to study the model.
Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan and Finance Minister K N Balagopal had publicly urged other panchayats to adopt the Perinjanam model. However, no other panchayat has followed suit so far. Let us look at the reasons behind this.
One major reason, as often pointed out, is that the Perinjanam Solar Project was not a flagship initiative of the panchayat itself. The panchayat acted only as a facilitator, while it was the consumer committee that took the lead in implementation. The project originated from the idea of the then panchayat president, who pushed it forward, but what truly set it apart was the proactive role of the consumer committee.
The Perinjanam model is in fact the most practical and replicable model for other panchayats. What makes it unique is the structure of its consumer committee, a 14-member registered body that oversees everything—including the maintenance of solar units and overall project management. Earlier, the panchayat president himself was part of the committee. However, with a change in the elected local body, the current panchayat committee appears less interested in the project. The consumer committee members are elected annually by the beneficiaries themselves. “It is this committee system that keeps the initiative alive,” explains Noorrudheen.
Our visit to the panchayat office confirmed this impression: informally, top officials acknowledged that the panchayat functions only as a facilitator. And the response reflects their lack of interest. “For Perinjanam’s success to spread elsewhere, what is needed most is government-level intervention,” says Sachith. He recalls that Finance Minister Balagopal even mentioned Perinjanam in his budget speech, urging local bodies to adopt such initiatives. “But that is not enough,” he argues. Each year, the government issues guidelines listing ten mandatory activities/action plans for local bodies. Unless rooftop solar—implemented with people’s investment, cooperative bank support, and government subsidies—is included in that framework, and unless it becomes part of the annual project plan, real expansion will not happen. “So far, no such directive has come. That is a big reason for the failure,” Sachith adds. “If each of Kerala’s 956 panchayats installed even one megawatt, which alone would add up to 956 MW. People are willing to invest their money; cooperative banks only need to support those who cannot afford the upfront cost. It requires far less effort and expense than building new power projects. But it must be made mandatory to install 1 MW of solar energy in every Panchayat,” he insists.
Another barrier is the lack of awareness. “People do not fully understand what green energy is, nor why shifting to it is important,” says the former panchayat president. “I installed a 4 kW rooftop solar unit at my house. I own an electric scooter and even an electric car. But very few people think about how far we can run an entire household on green energy.”
There is also the issue of local body leadership. Panchayat leaders often fail to think innovatively about the possibilities before them. “We once used CSR funds to power streetlights with rooftop solar. The panchayat, which had an electricity bill of Rs 90,000(approximately $1,015.50) , reduced it by nearly Rs 30,000 ($338.50),” recalls Sachith.
For N K Sathyanathan, who was the president of the local cooperative bank during the project’s rollout, the main barrier to replication elsewhere is lack of financial support mechanisms. “When we began Perinjanam Solar, cooperative banks technically had no provision to offer loans for rooftop solar. But with the support of the then panchayat president and Manoharan from KSEB, we devised a sub-rule to make it possible,” he explains. The bank allocated Rs 1 crore for loans, offering up to Rs 50,000 per individual with minimal collateral—family members could stand as mutual guarantors, without the need for extra security. The loans were offered at low interest and had a 36-month repayment period. Over 300 households received loans in the first phase, and almost all repaid ahead of schedule, without a single default.
Sathyanathan argues that if Kerala’s many cooperative banks adopt a similar loan framework, it could unleash a revolution in rooftop solar. He recalls even Tamil Nadu officials asking him how they managed it, and he shared their model of innovative lending. “When electricity demand rises, states often turn to nuclear or hydro projects. But rooftop solar is a viable alternative. If encouraged, Kerala would never need to depend on buying electricity from other states,” he says. “The government doesn’t lose a single rupee on this model.”
Noorrudheen adds that affordable financing is crucial to expand rooftop solar to low-income households. He also stresses that consumer committees are vital: since these are long-term projects, relying on elected panchayat bodies alone is risky, because changes in leadership after elections can disrupt continuity. Instead, projects should be run by independent consumer committees, supported by the panchayat. Ensuring the availability of technical experts even after the warranty period is another key requirement.
Premlal, convener, consumer committee, thinks that the lack of interest from agencies like KSEB is also a factor. “The Perinjanam project happened due to a confluence of many factors—the vision of the then panchayat leadership, intervention by the KSEB regulatory commission chairman, Manoharan’s initiative, and crucially, cooperative bank financing. Many residents also invested from their own pockets. Unless such elements come together, replication elsewhere will remain difficult.”
“At that time, about 500 people in Perinjanam were aware of solar. It was significant that a 1 kW system could be installed for Rs 45,500 (approximately $664–$684 USD at 2016 exchange rates),” says Sachith. The project was implemented by a 14-member solar consumer committee chaired by the panchayat president, with the panchayat serving as facilitator and eligible houses enrolled. SECI sanctioned a Rs 19,500 subsidy per kW, bringing the actual cost per kW to Rs 65,000; consumers paid only Rs 45,500. The committee handled documentation, SECI coordination, and contracting, freeing consumers from hassles. Contractors were selected through competitive quotations. GPR Power Solutions (Chennai) was contracted for implementation, and the consumer committee continues to manage maintenance. Loans to the tune of Rs 1.3 crore were taken from the cooperative bank for the project.
Lives Transformed
“Rooftop units range from 1 to 5 kW, with the initial target being 500 kW; it’s presumed now to exceed 4,000 kW. Perinjanam’s success inspired others, and the project is a global model—environmentally, too, its benefits are clear. People are very satisfied,” says consumer committee convener Premlal, a fact confirmed by the EdPublica team’s field visit.
Still, people have some anxieties about new regulations. “We installed our solar unit at launch, with Manoharan’s advice. Our bills now are just Rs 130–200. But there are rumors of rule changes, and that worries us,” says Susheela, a Perinjanam homemaker. Recently, bill amounts have increased, which she and others have brought up with the committee. She adds: “We’ve never had any problem with the solar unit. When the panel broke, it was replaced free.” Susheela’s family installed a 2 kW unit via loan; the process was smooth and the amount repaid in two years.
Image by Lakshmi Narayanan/EdPublica
Rahimabi, another resident, notes that bills initially came down to Rs 250 but are now as high as Rs 1,000 again, which concerns her. Bharathan, a Gulf returnee, has a 2 kW unit and says he’s never had a maintenance issue. He worries about a possible rule requiring battery storage for units above 3 kW and says his panel may soon need replacing. His monthly bill, once Rs 900–Rs 1,000, is now just Rs 300, but he laments the low compensation from KSEB and the risk of full supply loss in a power cut.
Prajitha and Sreekanth’s family, among the first solar homes in the panchayat, added battery storage alongside their unit because of concerns about rising bills. “Earlier, my bill was Rs 900. Now, we pay only the meter rent—Rs 140. There have been no maintenance issues so far.”
Premlal also reports quick payback and additional income for higher producers, and Sathyan master, another resident, claims he got back as much as Rs 2,000 after use. One house, for instance, produces 17 units per day, and some households that both produce and consume solar energy (prosumers) have earned up to Rs 9,000 by selling power back to KSEB. At the same time, the reality is that the project has not yet reached everyone in the panchayat. “I have never heard about such a solar initiative,” says Raphael, a mason and resident of Perinjanam. Sukanya, a homemaker from Perinjanam, adds, “I had no awareness of such a project, and when I first heard about it, it seemed like something that would cost a lot of money.”
Image by Lakshmi Narayanan/EdPublica
Why Kerala Needs Rooftop Solar
According to the Ministry of New and Renewable Energy, Kerala currently ranks 13th in the country in terms of installed renewable energy capacity. Across India, nearly 80% of newly added renewable units are solar-based. Government figures show that India has overtaken Japan to become the world’s third-largest solar producer. As of July 2025, the country’s cumulative solar capacity stands at 119.92 GW—of which 19.88 GW comes from grid-connected rooftop systems and 5.09 GW from off-grid installations. Notably, Kerala does not figure among the regions identified by the Centre as high-potential zones for renewable energy.
States like Rajasthan, Gujarat, and Madhya Pradesh have tackled the solar energy challenge by setting up vast solar farms spread across thousands of hectares. Kerala, however, does not have such an option due to its limited land availability. “But there is immense potential for rooftop solar here,” says Sreekanth, an independent researcher in the field.
According to official government reports, Kerala’s installed solar capacity stands at 1,792.34 MW. Of this, the installed rooftop solar capacity is just 24.93 MW. Data released by the Ministry of New and Renewable Energy (MNRE) shows that the state’s total renewable energy capacity is 4,106.78 MW. This means rooftop solar contributes only 1.39% of Kerala’s total solar capacity, and just 0.61% of the overall renewable energy capacity.
Kerala has set ambitious targets: to achieve 100% renewable energy by 2040 and to become a net carbon-neutral state by 2050. The Kerala State Action Plan on Climate Change 2023–2030 (Kerala SAPCC 2.0), released by the Chief Minister, outlines several programmes and strategies designed to help the state reach these goals.
In this journey, rooftop solar projects will have a decisive role to play. Kerala now has 152,000 rooftop units (946.9 MW), a top growth record under the PM Surya Ghar programme—yet only 2 percent of its 13 million energy consumers use rooftop solar. Critics say new policies have raised fresh challenges, even as KSEB imports about 70% of its electricity from outside. Solar remains the best alternative.
Rising Challenges
Noorrudheen points out a growing concern: because of the current approach of the government and KSEB, solar power is becoming a less attractive option for ordinary people.
KSEB, however, argues that there is another side to the issue raised earlier by Bharathan. According to the utility, grid-connected solar units can impose additional costs on consumers. In Kerala, peak electricity demand occurs between 6 p.m. and 11 p.m., whereas households that both produce and consume solar energy (prosumers) use only about 36% of the power they generate. The rest is exported to the grid. But at night, they draw back about 45% of their supplied energy. On average, KSEB purchases only 19% of the solar power generated daily.
This mismatch adds financial pressure: because electricity costs rise during peak hours, KSEB estimates that the power banking arrangement could result in losses of nearly Rs 500 crore in FY 2024–25. This translates into a 19-paise increase per unit of electricity for Kerala’s 13 million consumers.
If rooftop solar systems above 3 kW are installed without battery storage, this burden is expected to rise further in coming years. KSEB projects that by 2034–35, consumers may face an additional 39 paise per unit due to this imbalance. These figures form the basis of the argument for making battery storage mandatory, though such a move poses another serious challenge for scaling up rooftop solar projects. At present, Kerala ranks fourth in India in terms of installed rooftop solar capacity, behind Gujarat, Maharashtra, and Rajasthan.
Regulatory Impacts on Rooftop Solar Adoption
The regulatory framework may further affect adoption. The Kerala State Electricity Regulatory Commission (KSERC) has proposed restricting net metering to systems under 3 kW, down sharply from the earlier 1 MW limit. Larger consumers would instead fall under net billing or gross metering, which are far less favourable.
Financial implications are significant. Under net billing, exported solar power is priced at the Solar Energy Corporation of India (SECI) discovered tariff, often as low as Rs 2–2.5 per kWh, compared to the Rs 3.59 per kWh retail tariff that consumers pay when buying from the grid. This pricing difference reduces savings and extends the payback period of rooftop solar investments. Moreover, households may need to install costly battery storage systems, which are not subsidized and can cost Rs 16,000–18,000 per kWh of capacity.
Market Consequences
Impact on adoption has already become visible. Reports suggest that Kerala’s monthly rooftop solar installation rate has dropped from 15 MW to just 5–6 MW since the draft regulations were introduced. While regulators argue the changes are necessary to ensure grid stability and minimize utility losses, the burden of balancing the grid has effectively been shifted to individual consumers. This risks discouraging both new and existing users from investing in rooftop solar, potentially slowing down Kerala’s progress toward its 2040 renewable energy and 2050 carbon-neutrality goals.
Perinjanam’s New Phase
“As part of the next stage of growth, Perinjanam is set to introduce battery storage as a new model,” says Sachith. A Battery Energy Storage System (BESS) in solar refers to a sophisticated system that stores electrical energy generated from solar panels in advanced rechargeable batteries for later use. This allows energy to be captured during peak solar production, stored when the sun isn’t shining, and then discharged during times of high demand or low solar output. BESS systems improve grid stability by balancing supply and demand, provide backup power during outages, and enhance the integration of intermittent renewable energy sources like solar.
“In our model, the electricity we generate will be stored and then supplied to KSEB during peak hours. At present, we receive just Rs 2.83 per unit, but with this system it could increase to as much as seven rupees,” Sachith explains. He stresses that such storage models must be widely implemented across Kerala. The Perinjanam project is already moving forward with this plan. The first unit will have a 500-kilowatt capacity, with an investment of around Rs 1.5 crore for battery storage. Of this, 10% will be contributed by the consumer committee, while the remaining 90% will come from a mix of 50% subsidy and 40% viability gap funding. The committee has also demanded a 20% profit margin.
With the successful implementation of this initiative, Perinjanam Solar is expected to gain greater recognition and be discussed at a much larger scale…
(This story was produced with support from Internews Earth Journalism Network)
Society
From Soil to Profit: How Organic Turmeric Changed the Fortunes of a Tribal Farming Family
A tribal farming family in Rajasthan’s Banswara district improved its livelihood through organic turmeric farming, value addition and diversified agriculture.
A farming couple in Rajasthan’s Banswara district transformed their livelihood through organic turmeric farming, value addition and a nutrition garden, demonstrating how sustainable agriculture and crop diversification can strengthen rural incomes and food security.
In India’s tribal regions, farming has never been merely a means of livelihood—it has been a way of life carried forward across generations. Yet changing markets, rising input costs and climate uncertainty are encouraging some farmers to combine traditional knowledge with new approaches.
Mangalsingh Ganaga, a farmer from Phalwa village in Rajasthan’s Banswara district, is one such example. By introducing organic turmeric cultivation alongside his existing crops and adding value through processing, he improved his household income while demonstrating how sustainable farming can create new opportunities for smallholders.
Organic Turmeric Farming And The Turnaround
Turmeric has long been an inseparable part of Indian kitchens and Ayurvedic medicine. Rich in curcumin—the compound responsible for its distinctive yellow colour and medicinal properties—it has traditionally been used to treat ulcers, digestive disorders and a range of other ailments. Because turmeric is used in almost every Indian household, demand remains steady throughout the year, making it an attractive crop for farmers who have access to quality seed, organic cultivation techniques and local markets.
Building on Traditional Farming
Phalwa village, located in Anandpuri tehsil of Banswara district, is a predominantly tribal settlement where agriculture and livestock remain the backbone of rural livelihoods.
Mangalsingh cultivates six bighas of irrigated land, growing maize, black gram, sesame and patharia rice during the kharif season, followed by chickpea and wheat in the rabi season. His household also maintains four buffaloes, three cows, two bullocks and five goats, providing milk, farm labour and a steady supply of organic manure.
Although he had long wanted to experiment with natural farming methods, he lacked the technical guidance to do so.
“I had always wanted to try something new alongside my traditional farming, but I didn’t know where to begin. Once I learned about organic farming and received proper guidance, I finally had the confidence to experiment on my own land,” says Mangalsingh.
The turning point came when he met Lalita Makwana, a community facilitator with VAAGDHARA, a Banswara-based organisation working with tribal farming communities. Through the Gram Swaraj Self-Help Group, he was introduced to VAAGDHARA’s Sachchi Kheti (True Farming) programme, which trains farmers in organic cultivation and sustainable agricultural practices.
Learning Organic Farming
Through VAAGDHARA’s Farmer Field School, Mangalsingh gradually reduced his dependence on chemical fertilisers and pesticides, replacing them with farmyard manure and dashparni extract, a traditional bio-pesticide prepared by fermenting ten bitter or pungent leaves—such as neem and custard apple—with cow urine and cow dung.
Rather than replacing his existing crops, he adopted a mixed-cropping system by cultivating maize alongside turmeric. The approach not only reduced production risks but also created an additional income stream from the same piece of land.
To maximise returns, he moved beyond selling raw turmeric. Instead, he processed part of his harvest into turmeric powder and packaged it for sale, allowing him to secure a substantially higher market price.
Adding Value Increased Income
Under the Sachchi Kheti programme, Mangalsingh received five kilograms of turmeric seed, which he planted on a 20 × 25-foot plot using approximately 400 kilograms of cow-dung manure from his own livestock. Technical guidance throughout the cultivation cycle—from sowing to harvesting—came through VAAGDHARA’s Farmer Field School.
He sowed the crop in the first week of July 2025 and harvested it in May the following year, producing 60 kilograms of turmeric from the initial five kilograms of seed.
Rather than selling the entire harvest as raw produce, he adopted a value-addition strategy:
>> 20 kg of raw turmeric sold at ₹150 per kg, earning ₹3,000
>> 30 kg processed into turmeric powder and sold at ₹400 per kg, earning ₹12,000
>> 10 kg retained for household consumption and seed for the next planting season
The turmeric generated gross sales of ₹15,000. Because the seed was supplied through the programme and the manure came from his own livestock, cash input costs remained relatively low. He also found ready buyers without travelling to distant markets, as word spread locally about the chemical-free turmeric.
A Nutrition Garden Brings Additional Income
The family’s transformation did not end with turmeric.
Mangalsingh’s wife, Shantidevi Ganaga, received a vegetable seed kit through VAAGDHARA’s Poshan Vatika (Nutrition Garden) initiative. The kit included seeds for okra, cowpea, bottle gourd, ridge gourd, tomato, brinjal, cluster beans, fenugreek, spinach and chilli.
The garden supplied fresh vegetables for the family’s own consumption while generating an additional income through surplus sales.
“The nutrition garden not only improved our family’s diet but also gave me an income of my own. Selling the surplus vegetables helped strengthen our household finances,” says Shantidevi.
Over the course of the year, she earned around ₹60,000 by selling vegetables—making a significant contribution to the family’s overall income while improving household nutrition.
Diversification Builds Resilience
Both Mangalsingh and Shantidevi continue to participate in VAAGDHARA’s Farmer Field School, where community facilitators provide technical guidance while encouraging farmers to exchange experiences and learn from one another.
The family’s journey highlights a broader lesson for smallholder agriculture: diversification strengthens resilience. Grain crops, organic turmeric, livestock and vegetables together provide multiple income streams, reducing dependence on any single crop or growing season.
Programmes such as Sachchi Kheti and the Nutrition Garden initiative aim not only to improve farm incomes but also to encourage environmentally sustainable agriculture that supports long-term soil health and reduces dependence on chemical inputs.
Lessons Beyond One Farm
For Mangalsingh and Shantidevi Ganaga, organic farming has become more than a change in cultivation practices—it has become a pathway to greater economic security and improved food security.
Their experience illustrates how technical guidance, value addition and diversified farming can work together to strengthen rural livelihoods. Whether such success can be replicated more widely will depend on sustained farmer training, market access and continued support for sustainable agriculture. But for one tribal farming family in southern Rajasthan, a small turmeric plot and a nutrition garden have already demonstrated how innovation rooted in local knowledge can deliver lasting change.
Health
How India’s Agrarian Crisis Is Making Nutritious Food Unaffordable
India’s agrarian crisis is reducing farmer incomes while making healthy diets increasingly expensive. Here’s why India’s food system needs urgent reform.
India’s agrarian crisis is shrinking farmer incomes while driving up the cost of healthy diets, exposing deep flaws in the country’s food system and nutrition security.
When the figures are carefully unpacked, one thing becomes unmistakable: Indian agriculture is passing through a deep and prolonged crisis. The sector is no longer a reliable source of income, and government support has not reached farmers in the measure needed to restore profitability. The farmer who, a few decades ago, owned his own soil is today gradually turning into a daily-wage labourer. Of a farming family’s total monthly earnings, barely one-third now comes directly from agriculture; the remaining share, nearly two-thirds, has to be made up through government or private jobs, wage labour, or small enterprises. In other words, farming alone is no longer enough to run a household.
How India’s Agrarian Crisis Is Making Nutritious Food Unaffordable
What is more worrying is that, even as the sector remains under pressure, the number of new entrants is rising rather than falling — and most are joining not as landowning farmers but as farm labourers. As landholdings are divided into smaller and smaller fragments, income from farming declines rapidly, forcing families to depend increasingly on non-agricultural sources to survive. This is reflected in suicide statistics too: of the total agricultural suicides recorded in 2023, the latest year for which the National Crime Records Bureau has released data, more than half — at least 56.5 per cent — were of farm labourers. This is not a sudden trend; it has been consistent for years. Of the 10,786 farm-sector suicides recorded that year, 4,690 were landowning farmers or cultivators, while 6,096 were farm labourers — that is, workers who own no land in their name, hold no crop insurance cover, and have no support to fall back on if the season fails. It is precisely this group of daily-wage workers that has today moved to the very centre of the agrarian crisis.
A survey by the National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development (NABARD) paints a similarly stark picture: over the past five years, nearly 30 per cent of farming families reported crop losses caused by untimely rain, pest and disease attacks, cyclones or drought, and 12 per cent suffered unexpected drops in market prices. Faced with these shocks, families were left with only two options — exhaust their savings or borrow from moneylenders. The reality is so stark that, per NABARD’s All India Rural Financial Inclusion Survey (NAFIS) 2021-22, covering the five-year window from 2016-17 to 2021-22, the average farming household is left with a monthly surplus of just ₹1,951 after covering its expenses — and it is precisely out of this gap that the cycle of debt is born.
The average debt on a farming household stood at ₹91,231, marginally higher than the ₹89,074 average for non-farming households. The Parliamentary Standing Committee on Agriculture, Animal Husbandry and Food Processing has said the situation demands close monitoring and precisely targeted interventions, so that farmers can sustainably bear the burden of their debt while continuing to invest in agriculture. The committee stated that the department concerned must ensure farmers do not get trapped in an unbearable cycle of debt, and that the schemes designed for them actually deliver benefits on the ground.
And this crisis will not stop here. A powerful super El Niño is taking shape, and weather experts fear it may disrupt the coming monsoon. Farmers already entering the new season in loss, and under the weight of debt, have little capacity left to absorb another shock. In this new era of shifting climate, providing farmers with a coherent, far-sighted policy framework is not a lofty demand — it is the bare minimum.
The Rising Cost of Nutrition
The crisis in the fields echoes directly in urban kitchens, and today the sharpest edge of inflation is falling on the ordinary person’s plate. In India, a nutritious and balanced diet is becoming more expensive every year, moving further out of reach for crores of families. According to the UN’s latest report, The State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World 2026, the per capita cost of a healthy diet in India has risen by more than 48 per cent since 2017. The minimum cost of a daily balanced diet for an average Indian, which stood at $2.77 (PPP) in 2017, reached $4.11 in 2025 — a rise of roughly 34 per cent compared to 2021, when the figure for India stood at $3.07 (PPP). Purchasing power parity (PPP) does not depend on currency exchange rates alone; it also accounts for local prices of goods and services in a given country, and so more truly reflects the burden falling on an ordinary person’s pocket.
The average global per capita cost of a healthy diet has risen from $2.94 (PPP) in 2017 to $4.28 in 2025, an increase of nearly 46 per cent
This rise in prices hits poor and economically weaker families hardest, because the moment prices rise, it is nutrient-rich foods such as fruits, vegetables, milk and eggs that first begin disappearing from their plates. If a healthy diet continues to remain this expensive, the path to a balanced diet will become even harder for families already struggling with malnutrition. According to the definition set by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and the World Health Organization (WHO), a diet can be called healthy only when it simultaneously provides the body with sufficient energy, essential nutrients, variety and balance — mere fullness of the stomach is not the criterion.
The global picture is not very different. The average global per capita cost of a healthy diet has risen from $2.94 (PPP) in 2017 to $4.28 in 2025, an increase of nearly 46 per cent. The situation among India’s South Asian neighbours is even more severe than India’s own. In Bhutan, this cost has reached $6.17, a rise of 49 per cent compared to 2017. In Bangladesh it stands at $4.59 with a 48.5 per cent rise, in Sri Lanka at $5.21 with a 35 per cent rise, in Pakistan at nearly $3.94 with roughly a 33 per cent rise, and in Nepal at $4.19 with a 26 per cent rise. In other words, India’s cost is higher than Pakistan’s but lower than Nepal’s, Bangladesh’s, Sri Lanka’s and Bhutan’s. Yet it must not be forgotten that in a country with as vast a population as India, even a small rise in cost can have a massive impact on the plates of millions upon crores of households.
There is, however, one reassuring point: the number of people worldwide unable to afford a healthy diet has declined from 297 crore (37.4 per cent) in 2021 to 269 crore (32.7 per cent) in 2025. Even so, nearly one in every three people in the world today still cannot afford the cost of nutritious food, and it is the African continent that is scorched worst in this regard, where 66.6 per cent of the population finds a healthy diet beyond reach.
It is also worth understanding exactly where the larger share of the cost goes. The greatest expense falls on fruits, vegetables, milk, eggs, meat and other fresh and animal-based foods, while grains such as rice and wheat remain comparatively cheap. It is precisely during the journey from farm to consumer — through processing, transport, storage, cold chains and wholesale distribution — that the bulk of the cost gets added. As much as 70 to 75 per cent of the total amount a consumer pays for their diet is spent purely within this middle chain. The result is that the farmer does not receive adequate reward for his labour, and the consumer too does not get produce at a fair price — both sides end up at a loss.
Taking the example of poor households in India, staple grains such as rice and wheat are easily available through government schemes or subsidised markets. But the prices of pulses, green vegetables, fruits and milk — the very foods that give the body real strength and immunity — have risen so much that they are slipping beyond the monthly budget of an ordinary family. The outcome is that even as malnutrition and anaemia persist in the country on one hand, the inability to afford nutritious food is growing on the other. This makes one thing entirely clear: merely supplying grain is not enough; the real test lies in delivering nutrient-rich components such as fruits, vegetables, pulses, milk and eggs to every plate at affordable rates. For this, irrigation, cold chains, research, food processing and the supply chain will all need to be strengthened, while also curbing the wastage of food.
The FAO has issued one more warning in its report: that tensions in the Strait of Hormuz and an effective El Niño persisting until the end of 2026 could together place additional strain on global food and fertiliser prices in the period ahead. According to the organisation’s Chief Economist, Máximo Torero Cullen, the real crisis facing the world is not a shortage of food but the rising cost of nutritious diets, and that boosting local production could bring this cost down significantly.
It must be kept in mind that if nutritious food keeps slipping beyond the reach of the ordinary person, the consequences will not remain confined to hunger alone — they will cast their shadow over children’s growth, women’s health, working capacity and the country’s overall economic productivity. This malnutrition will keep hollowing out bodies from within, generation after generation. Therefore, the goal before India can no longer remain limited merely to “food for all”; it must become “nutritious food for all.” Local production, a strengthened supply system and nutrition-centred policies have today become the greatest need of the hour.
The suicide of a farmer in the field and the vanishing nutrition from a child’s plate — these two events may appear separate on the surface, but their roots lie buried in the same systemic failure
Vanishing Diversity on Children’s Plates
It is said that the habits that take root on a child’s plate in early childhood go on to shape the direction of health for an entire lifetime. Yet today, essential components such as fruits, vegetables, pulses and dry fruits are gradually vanishing from the plates of crores of children across the world. This reality has come to light through an extensive study conducted by researchers at Tufts University and published in the journal BMJ Global Health. Analysing data from more than 1,200 dietary surveys conducted across 185 countries between 1990 and 2018, the study assessed the consumption, among children and adolescents from birth to nineteen years of age, of five plant-based food groups: fruits, non-starchy vegetables, starchy vegetables, pulses, and nuts and seeds. According to the researchers, these components are important not only for physical growth but equally for learning ability, mental agility and protection from many diseases later in life, and yet most children are eating far fewer fruits and vegetables than experts recommend.
The suicide of a farmer in the field and the vanishing nutrition from a child’s plate — these two events may appear separate on the surface, but their roots lie buried in the same systemic failure. The farmer does not get a fair return for his sweat, and the consumer does not get the nutrition he needs on his plate, and it is the chain standing between these two ends that keeps reaping the greatest profit. As long as this imbalance within the chain remains uncorrected, this cyclical curse will keep returning every year in a new form — sometimes in the shape of a farmer in the field, and sometimes in the shape of a malnourished child.
(The views and interpretations presented are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial position of EdPublica.)
Society
From Solar-Powered Clinics to Digital Public Infrastructure: Kerala’s Model for a Resilient Digital Health Ecosystem
Kerala’s combination of solar-powered clinics, digital health platforms and decentralised governance offers valuable lessons for building resilient Digital Public Infrastructure.
Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI) is changing how governments deliver healthcare, education and social services. Much of the global conversation focuses on large national systems, but Kerala offers a compelling sub-national example of how strong public health systems and hybrid energy solutions can support digital governance. In a state known for its social indicators, high literacy and decentralised administration, the pairing of solar-powered clinics with digital health platforms is emerging as a small but effective model for delivering robust public services.
Why Digital Public Infrastructure Needs Energy Resilience
Kerala’s healthcare system has long been considered among the best in India, regularly posting strong health statistics, with life expectancy above 75 years and near-universal literacy. The COVID-19 pandemic exposed a common weakness across many regions: the dependence of digital health systems on continuous power and network access. Telemedicine platforms, digital health records, vaccination databases and real-time surveillance systems all require reliable electricity and internet connectivity — infrastructure that remains patchy in Kerala’s rural and coastal regions, which are also vulnerable to power failures and severe weather.
Kerala has been piloting solar-powered primary health centres and community clinics in remote and disaster-prone areas, with mixed results. In Kadamakkudy panchayat in Ernakulam district, a solar-powered floating ambulance-cum-dispensary — billed at its 2025 launch as India’s first such service — was expected to serve more than 2,400 patients across the panchayat’s islands. It stopped running within months after developing engine and maintenance problems, a reminder that pilot ambition and long-term upkeep don’t always move at the same pace. Elsewhere, clinics have installed rooftop solar panels with battery storage to keep vaccine refrigeration, diagnostic equipment and digital health platforms running when the grid fails or during floods and cyclones, which have grown more frequent in recent years.
This energy transition is not only an environmental intervention; it is also an enabler of Digital Public Infrastructure. Kerala’s health system increasingly relies on digital platforms such as eHealth Kerala, which maintains electronic health records for millions of people, and telemedicine services that connect rural patients with specialists in metropolitan hospitals. For these systems to work, they need to remain operational at all times — solar power reduces the risk of interruption during emergencies, making services more accessible and reliable.
This matters in the wider South Asian context. Digital health initiatives are expanding rapidly across the region, but infrastructure gaps remain a major constraint: an estimated 12% of health-care facilities in South Asia have no electricity access at all, according to a 2023 WHO, World Bank, IRENA and SEforALL report. Kerala’s hybrid model is a useful counter-example, showing that energy resilience and digital governance need to be built together rather than treated as separate problems.
Kerala’s experience also illustrates the benefits of decentralised governance in building robust DPI ecosystems. Panchayats and municipalities — the state’s local self-government bodies — play a central role in implementing health and energy projects. This structure allows for context-specific solutions, such as solar systems in flood-prone coastal clinics or digital health kiosks in tribal communities, and it can adapt to local needs faster than more centralised approaches.
Kerala’s high literacy, combined with its emergence as India’s first fully digitally literate state under the Digi Keralam initiative, has created favourable conditions for the adoption of digital health tools. Citizens’ familiarity with digital public services has made it easier to scale electronic health records, telemedicine and other Digital Public Infrastructure. That digital readiness also has a direct bearing on disaster response: healthcare systems are often among the first services disrupted when floods or cyclones strike, making solar-powered clinics with battery backups and offline digital systems critical for maintaining care and public health surveillance when central grids and communication networks go down.
Kerala’s experience suggests that digital platforms alone cannot build Digital Public Infrastructure — they require a supporting ecosystem of physical infrastructure, particularly reliable, decentralised and sustainable energy systems. Hybrid solutions combining solar, grid power and backup storage offer one way to guarantee continuity of critical services. The implications extend beyond healthcare: solar-powered digital classrooms could support continuous learning in rural schools, and energy-efficient digital kiosks could widen access to welfare and financial services. In each case, energy infrastructure functions as the silent backbone of digital governance.
Many governments across South Asia are racing to roll out digital ID systems, financial platforms and e-governance tools, yet still struggle with basic infrastructure stability. Without dependable electricity and internet access, Digital Public Infrastructure risks becoming patchy and exclusionary. Kerala’s experience is a reminder to build resilience into digital systems from the outset, rather than retrofitting it later.
At the same time, the model is not without its flaws — Kadamakkudy’s stalled floating dispensary is a case in point. Large-scale solar infrastructure requires sustained investment, and hybrid systems need continuous local technical expertise to stay operational; without it, even flagship pilots can go dark within months of launch. Energy policy and digital governance frameworks are also often built in silos, and closing that gap will be necessary to scale the model beyond pilot projects.
Kerala’s solar-powered clinics point to a larger truth: digital transformation is not only about data and platforms, but also about energy, resilience and local governance. By combining renewable energy with Digital Public Infrastructure, the state is quietly building a more resilient and equitable model of public service delivery — one with real lessons, and real cautionary tales, for a region where millions of people still contend with power outages and limited internet access. The future of South Asia’s Digital Public Infrastructure may depend less on how fast governments digitise services, and more on how reliably — and durably — they power them.
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial position of EdPublica
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