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Why Kerala Has Struggled to Replicate Perinjanam’s Solar Success

In Perinjanam, a small coastal village in Kerala, rooftop solar panels have transformed hundreds of households—slashing electricity bills and proving the potential of community-driven energy. Yet across Kerala, India’s most literate state, similar projects remain rare, revealing the gap between local innovation and statewide adoption. Here is how it can happen.

Dipin Damodharan

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Office of the Perinjanam Gram Panchayat, the elected local self-government body, which acts as a facilitator for renewable energy programs and other community initiatives. Image by Lakshmi Narayanan/EdPublica

On a humid afternoon in Perinjanam, a coastal panchayat in Thrissur district of the South Indian state Kerala, Susheela leads me into her kitchen and points upstairs to the metal roof. The small array of solar panels there has changed the family’s daily expenses. “Before 2016, our electricity bill was over Rs 1,000 every month. After that, it rarely crosses Rs 200,” she says, folding her hands as if to show how the burden has lifted. “Installing solar panels on the roof has been undoubtedly beneficial. We’ve seen clear savings on our bills,” Susheela says.

Perinjanorjam (Perinjanam Energy), the village’s community-driven rooftop solar initiative, now powers more than a thousand households like Susheela’s and has drawn attention across India. In 2016, the panchayat embarked on what was then an audacious experiment—combining government subsidies, cooperative-bank lending, and local mobilization to make an energy self-reliant village. The results were undeniable on the ground. But the very success that made Perinjanam a poster child has not translated into a replicable model across Kerala. Nine years since its launch, and three years after high-profile endorsements and study visits, other panchayats still hesitate. Why?

The Perinjanam solar project, driven by the collective efforts of local institutions and residents, is celebrated as a model for other panchayats. For a state like Kerala, which relies heavily on electricity from outside, rooftop solar projects are crucial. By involving ordinary families, they demonstrate the strength of a decentralized approach—while also advancing India’s clean energy transition.

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A wide view of Perinjanam village in Kerala where renewable energy ambitions meet everyday realities.Image by Lakshmi Narayanan/EdPublica

At COP26, India pledged 500 GW of renewable capacity by 2030. Progress has been steady, with 235.7 GW already in place, but the pace must increase. Decentralized, community-driven initiatives like Perinjanam could help bridge the gap.

What is the Perinjanam Project?

It’s an alternative electricity generation and distribution model, with participation from the public, panchayat, cooperative bank, Kerala State Electricity Board (KSEB), and Solar Energy Corporation of India (SECI), carried out in Perinjanam gram panchayat, Thrissur. Perinjanam, the first panchayat in India to generate 700 kW of rural solar power for itself, is a model for local energy self-sufficiency. Daytime electricity from the solar panels is used for household needs; the surplus is supplied to KSEB’s common pool grid. At night, homes rely on KSEB power. Electricity bills reflect the difference between what is exported and what is imported. If the exported and imported electricity quantities are equal, the only charge is meter rent. The heart of Perinjanam project is a consumer committee set up for project implementation.

Launched in 2016 by then-panchayat president Sachith KK with the support of then Kerala State Electricity Regulatory Commission (KSERC) chairman TM Manoharan, Perinjanam’s solar initiative was born out of their vision, as said by then consumer committee head Noorrudheen to EdPublica. “Sachith learned about SECI’s 500 kW subsidized scheme for solar in Kerala through Manoharan. The idea to use this for local benefit was decisive,” Noorrudheen says.

Through numerous meetings and awareness campaigns, ward members reached out house-to-house to educate people about solar. Since the project started soon after a major solar scam in Kerala, skepticism lingered. The initial plan was for a 500 kW project covering 250 homes, with rooftop units typically ranging from 1 to 5 kW. For Perinjanam residents, many of whom faced financial hardships, participation in the novel project required financial support. Both the panchayat and the cooperative bank (then under CPI(M) leadership) decided after much discussion to give low-interest, collateral-free loans to participants. Noorrudheen credits this bank loan as the key factor that made the Perinjanam project a success. With Manoharan as an advisor, KSEB offered full support. Households with bills above Rs 500 were targeted first. An active, proactive panchayat president engaged the cooperative bank, registered a consumer committee as a one-stop solution for project management, and worked with SECI for subsidies. Thus, Perinjanam stands out as a unique community-driven project involving multiple stakeholders—a model found nowhere else.

According to latest estimates, Perinjanam section’s monthly generation stood at 3.16 MW, now including Kaypamangalam and Mathilakam panchayats. “There are 1008 connections under the Perinjanam section. The project covers 956 houses. The remaining are shops and other institutions. Today the project reached a capacity of 4,305 kW. The total generation is 316,823 units,” says KSEB Assistant Engineer Thara.

The project can produce enough electricity in a year to meet the needs of roughly 4,000–6,000 rural households. Perinjanam has around 5,342 households, according to the last Census report, and a typical rural home in Kerala uses about 97 units per month. That means the plant’s full annual potential—roughly 5.17–6.89 million units—could supply most, if not all, of the panchayat’s households. So far, it has generated 316,823 units, already enough for about a year’s supply to 270 homes, a figure expected to grow as the system completes more annual cycles—enough to power nearly all homes in one or two wards of Perinjanam.

Why Hasn’t Perinjanam Been Replicated?

Apart from achieving energy self-sufficiency through solar power, a 2022 report revealed that the Perinjanam Solar Initiative reduced carbon emissions by 192,000 kilograms. Inspired by Perinjanam’s outcomes, 37 panchayats in Tamil Nadu decided to implement similar projects, and in 2022, a 45-member delegation from Tamil Nadu visited Perinjanam to study the model.

Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan and Finance Minister K N Balagopal had publicly urged other panchayats to adopt the Perinjanam model. However, no other panchayat has followed suit so far. Let us look at the reasons behind this.

One major reason, as often pointed out, is that the Perinjanam Solar Project was not a flagship initiative of the panchayat itself. The panchayat acted only as a facilitator, while it was the consumer committee that took the lead in implementation. The project originated from the idea of the then panchayat president, who pushed it forward, but what truly set it apart was the proactive role of the consumer committee.

The Perinjanam model is in fact the most practical and replicable model for other panchayats. What makes it unique is the structure of its consumer committee, a 14-member registered body that oversees everything—including the maintenance of solar units and overall project management. Earlier, the panchayat president himself was part of the committee. However, with a change in the elected local body, the current panchayat committee appears less interested in the project. The consumer committee members are elected annually by the beneficiaries themselves. “It is this committee system that keeps the initiative alive,” explains Noorrudheen.

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Office of the Perinjanam Gram Panchayat, the elected local self-government body.Image by Lakshmi Narayanan/EdPublica

Our visit to the panchayat office confirmed this impression: informally, top officials acknowledged that the panchayat functions only as a facilitator. And the response reflects their lack of interest. “For Perinjanam’s success to spread elsewhere, what is needed most is government-level intervention,” says Sachith. He recalls that Finance Minister Balagopal even mentioned Perinjanam in his budget speech, urging local bodies to adopt such initiatives. “But that is not enough,” he argues. Each year, the government issues guidelines listing ten mandatory activities/action plans for local bodies. Unless rooftop solar—implemented with people’s investment, cooperative bank support, and government subsidies—is included in that framework, and unless it becomes part of the annual project plan, real expansion will not happen. “So far, no such directive has come. That is a big reason for the failure,” Sachith adds. “If each of Kerala’s 956 panchayats installed even one megawatt, which alone would add up to 956 MW. People are willing to invest their money; cooperative banks only need to support those who cannot afford the upfront cost. It requires far less effort and expense than building new power projects. But it must be made mandatory to install 1 MW of solar energy in every Panchayat,” he insists.

Another barrier is the lack of awareness. “People do not fully understand what green energy is, nor why shifting to it is important,” says the former panchayat president. “I installed a 4 kW rooftop solar unit at my house. I own an electric scooter and even an electric car. But very few people think about how far we can run an entire household on green energy.”

There is also the issue of local body leadership. Panchayat leaders often fail to think innovatively about the possibilities before them. “We once used CSR funds to power streetlights with rooftop solar. The panchayat, which had an electricity bill of Rs 90,000(approximately $1,015.50) , reduced it by nearly Rs 30,000 ($338.50),” recalls Sachith.

For N K Sathyanathan, who was the president of the local cooperative bank during the project’s rollout, the main barrier to replication elsewhere is lack of financial support mechanisms. “When we began Perinjanam Solar, cooperative banks technically had no provision to offer loans for rooftop solar. But with the support of the then panchayat president and Manoharan from KSEB, we devised a sub-rule to make it possible,” he explains. The bank allocated Rs 1 crore for loans, offering up to Rs 50,000 per individual with minimal collateral—family members could stand as mutual guarantors, without the need for extra security. The loans were offered at low interest and had a 36-month repayment period. Over 300 households received loans in the first phase, and almost all repaid ahead of schedule, without a single default.

Sathyanathan argues that if Kerala’s many cooperative banks adopt a similar loan framework, it could unleash a revolution in rooftop solar. He recalls even Tamil Nadu officials asking him how they managed it, and he shared their model of innovative lending. “When electricity demand rises, states often turn to nuclear or hydro projects. But rooftop solar is a viable alternative. If encouraged, Kerala would never need to depend on buying electricity from other states,” he says. “The government doesn’t lose a single rupee on this model.”

Noorrudheen adds that affordable financing is crucial to expand rooftop solar to low-income households. He also stresses that consumer committees are vital: since these are long-term projects, relying on elected panchayat bodies alone is risky, because changes in leadership after elections can disrupt continuity. Instead, projects should be run by independent consumer committees, supported by the panchayat. Ensuring the availability of technical experts even after the warranty period is another key requirement.

Premlal, convener, consumer committee, thinks that the lack of interest from agencies like KSEB is also a factor. “The Perinjanam project happened due to a confluence of many factors—the vision of the then panchayat leadership, intervention by the KSEB regulatory commission chairman, Manoharan’s initiative, and crucially, cooperative bank financing. Many residents also invested from their own pockets. Unless such elements come together, replication elsewhere will remain difficult.”

“At that time, about 500 people in Perinjanam were aware of solar. It was significant that a 1 kW system could be installed for Rs 45,500 (approximately $664–$684 USD at 2016 exchange rates),” says Sachith. The project was implemented by a 14-member solar consumer committee chaired by the panchayat president, with the panchayat serving as facilitator and eligible houses enrolled. SECI sanctioned a Rs 19,500 subsidy per kW, bringing the actual cost per kW to Rs 65,000; consumers paid only Rs 45,500. The committee handled documentation, SECI coordination, and contracting, freeing consumers from hassles. Contractors were selected through competitive quotations. GPR Power Solutions (Chennai) was contracted for implementation, and the consumer committee continues to manage maintenance. Loans to the tune of Rs 1.3 crore were taken from the cooperative bank for the project.

Lives Transformed

“Rooftop units range from 1 to 5 kW, with the initial target being 500 kW; it’s presumed now to exceed 4,000 kW. Perinjanam’s success inspired others, and the project is a global model—environmentally, too, its benefits are clear. People are very satisfied,” says consumer committee convener Premlal, a fact confirmed by the EdPublica team’s field visit.

Still, people have some anxieties about new regulations. “We installed our solar unit at launch, with Manoharan’s advice. Our bills now are just Rs 130–200. But there are rumors of rule changes, and that worries us,” says Susheela, a Perinjanam homemaker. Recently, bill amounts have increased, which she and others have brought up with the committee. She adds: “We’ve never had any problem with the solar unit. When the panel broke, it was replaced free.” Susheela’s family installed a 2 kW unit via loan; the process was smooth and the amount repaid in two years.

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Susheela, a resident of Perinjanam, outside her home powered by a 2-kilowatt rooftop solar system. Another resident, Bharathan (left), stopped by for a conversation.
Image by Lakshmi Narayanan/EdPublica

Rahimabi, another resident, notes that bills initially came down to Rs 250 but are now as high as Rs 1,000 again, which concerns her. Bharathan, a Gulf returnee, has a 2 kW unit and says he’s never had a maintenance issue. He worries about a possible rule requiring battery storage for units above 3 kW and says his panel may soon need replacing. His monthly bill, once Rs 900–Rs 1,000, is now just Rs 300, but he laments the low compensation from KSEB and the risk of full supply loss in a power cut.

Prajitha and Sreekanth’s family, among the first solar homes in the panchayat, added battery storage alongside their unit because of concerns about rising bills. “Earlier, my bill was Rs 900. Now, we pay only the meter rent—Rs 140. There have been no maintenance issues so far.”

Premlal also reports quick payback and additional income for higher producers, and Sathyan master, another resident, claims he got back as much as Rs 2,000 after use. One house, for instance, produces 17 units per day, and some households that both produce and consume solar energy (prosumers) have earned up to Rs 9,000 by selling power back to KSEB. At the same time, the reality is that the project has not yet reached everyone in the panchayat. “I have never heard about such a solar initiative,” says Raphael, a mason and resident of Perinjanam. Sukanya, a homemaker from Perinjanam, adds, “I had no awareness of such a project, and when I first heard about it, it seemed like something that would cost a lot of money.”

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Rooftop solar–powered homes in Perinjanam village, Thrissur district. Though Kerala trails behind national rooftop solar targets, local households are beginning to adopt the shift.
Image by Lakshmi Narayanan/EdPublica

Why Kerala Needs Rooftop Solar

According to the Ministry of New and Renewable Energy, Kerala currently ranks 13th in the country in terms of installed renewable energy capacity. Across India, nearly 80% of newly added renewable units are solar-based. Government figures show that India has overtaken Japan to become the world’s third-largest solar producer. As of July 2025, the country’s cumulative solar capacity stands at 119.92 GW—of which 19.88 GW comes from grid-connected rooftop systems and 5.09 GW from off-grid installations. Notably, Kerala does not figure among the regions identified by the Centre as high-potential zones for renewable energy.

States like Rajasthan, Gujarat, and Madhya Pradesh have tackled the solar energy challenge by setting up vast solar farms spread across thousands of hectares. Kerala, however, does not have such an option due to its limited land availability. “But there is immense potential for rooftop solar here,” says Sreekanth, an independent researcher in the field.

Data visualization by EdPublica, created with Flourish

According to official government reports, Kerala’s installed solar capacity stands at 1,792.34 MW. Of this, the installed rooftop solar capacity is just 24.93 MW. Data released by the Ministry of New and Renewable Energy (MNRE) shows that the state’s total renewable energy capacity is 4,106.78 MW. This means rooftop solar contributes only 1.39% of Kerala’s total solar capacity, and just 0.61% of the overall renewable energy capacity.

Kerala has set ambitious targets: to achieve 100% renewable energy by 2040 and to become a net carbon-neutral state by 2050. The Kerala State Action Plan on Climate Change 2023–2030 (Kerala SAPCC 2.0), released by the Chief Minister, outlines several programmes and strategies designed to help the state reach these goals.

Data visualization by EdPublica, created with Flourish

In this journey, rooftop solar projects will have a decisive role to play. Kerala now has 152,000 rooftop units (946.9 MW), a top growth record under the PM Surya Ghar programme—yet only 2 percent of its 13 million energy consumers use rooftop solar. Critics say new policies have raised fresh challenges, even as KSEB imports about 70% of its electricity from outside. Solar remains the best alternative.

Rising Challenges

Noorrudheen points out a growing concern: because of the current approach of the government and KSEB, solar power is becoming a less attractive option for ordinary people.

KSEB, however, argues that there is another side to the issue raised earlier by Bharathan. According to the utility, grid-connected solar units can impose additional costs on consumers. In Kerala, peak electricity demand occurs between 6 p.m. and 11 p.m., whereas households that both produce and consume solar energy (prosumers) use only about 36% of the power they generate. The rest is exported to the grid. But at night, they draw back about 45% of their supplied energy. On average, KSEB purchases only 19% of the solar power generated daily.

This mismatch adds financial pressure: because electricity costs rise during peak hours, KSEB estimates that the power banking arrangement could result in losses of nearly Rs 500 crore in FY 2024–25. This translates into a 19-paise increase per unit of electricity for Kerala’s 13 million consumers.

If rooftop solar systems above 3 kW are installed without battery storage, this burden is expected to rise further in coming years. KSEB projects that by 2034–35, consumers may face an additional 39 paise per unit due to this imbalance. These figures form the basis of the argument for making battery storage mandatory, though such a move poses another serious challenge for scaling up rooftop solar projects. At present, Kerala ranks fourth in India in terms of installed rooftop solar capacity, behind Gujarat, Maharashtra, and Rajasthan.

Regulatory Impacts on Rooftop Solar Adoption

The regulatory framework may further affect adoption. The Kerala State Electricity Regulatory Commission (KSERC) has proposed restricting net metering to systems under 3 kW, down sharply from the earlier 1 MW limit. Larger consumers would instead fall under net billing or gross metering, which are far less favourable.

Financial implications are significant. Under net billing, exported solar power is priced at the Solar Energy Corporation of India (SECI) discovered tariff, often as low as Rs 2–2.5 per kWh, compared to the Rs 3.59 per kWh retail tariff that consumers pay when buying from the grid. This pricing difference reduces savings and extends the payback period of rooftop solar investments. Moreover, households may need to install costly battery storage systems, which are not subsidized and can cost Rs 16,000–18,000 per kWh of capacity.

Market Consequences

Impact on adoption has already become visible. Reports suggest that Kerala’s monthly rooftop solar installation rate has dropped from 15 MW to just 5–6 MW since the draft regulations were introduced. While regulators argue the changes are necessary to ensure grid stability and minimize utility losses, the burden of balancing the grid has effectively been shifted to individual consumers. This risks discouraging both new and existing users from investing in rooftop solar, potentially slowing down Kerala’s progress toward its 2040 renewable energy and 2050 carbon-neutrality goals.

Perinjanam’s New Phase

“As part of the next stage of growth, Perinjanam is set to introduce battery storage as a new model,” says Sachith. A Battery Energy Storage System (BESS) in solar refers to a sophisticated system that stores electrical energy generated from solar panels in advanced rechargeable batteries for later use. This allows energy to be captured during peak solar production, stored when the sun isn’t shining, and then discharged during times of high demand or low solar output. BESS systems improve grid stability by balancing supply and demand, provide backup power during outages, and enhance the integration of intermittent renewable energy sources like solar.

“In our model, the electricity we generate will be stored and then supplied to KSEB during peak hours. At present, we receive just Rs 2.83 per unit, but with this system it could increase to as much as seven rupees,” Sachith explains. He stresses that such storage models must be widely implemented across Kerala. The Perinjanam project is already moving forward with this plan. The first unit will have a 500-kilowatt capacity, with an investment of around Rs 1.5 crore for battery storage. Of this, 10% will be contributed by the consumer committee, while the remaining 90% will come from a mix of 50% subsidy and 40% viability gap funding. The committee has also demanded a 20% profit margin.

With the successful implementation of this initiative, Perinjanam Solar is expected to gain greater recognition and be discussed at a much larger scale…

(This story was produced with support from Internews Earth Journalism Network)

Dipin Damodharan is the Co-founder and Editor-in-Chief of EdPublica. A journalist and editor with over 15 years of experience leading and co-founding both print and digital media outlets, he has written extensively on education, politics, and culture. His work has appeared in global publications such as The Huffington Post, The Himalayan Times, DailyO, Education Insider, and others.

Climate

From Fighting Water to Saving It: The Netherlands Faces a Growing Drought Challenge

A land built to keep water out is now struggling to keep enough of it in — forcing a world leader in water management to rethink its infrastructure

Sebin Pious

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Netherlands drought challenge
Low water levels on the Nederrijn near Arnhem's Andrej Sacharovbrug, 5 August 2026. Photo: Tomas Guus / Wikimedia Commons (CC0)

The Netherlands built its global reputation by keeping water out. Now, longer dry spells and intensifying heatwaves are forcing the country to confront a very different problem: how to keep enough fresh water in the landscape. From greenhouse agriculture to homes built on wooden foundation piles, the Netherlands drought challenge is exposing the limits of infrastructure designed primarily for flood protection.

When people think of the Netherlands, the images that come to mind are windmills, tulip fields and the great sea walls that have kept the ocean at bay for centuries. The Dutch built their reputation, and much of their nation, on mastering water — pumping it away, holding it back, and reclaiming land from the sea to build a prosperous country on ground that, by rights, shouldn’t exist. Yet beneath that carefully engineered landscape, the Netherlands is now facing an unfamiliar problem: it is running out of fresh water.

As repeated summer heatwaves sweep across Western Europe, Dutch water authorities say they have reached the limit of what engineering can do. In several regions, officials have exhausted every standard measure available to them and are left with what amounts to a last resort — waiting, and hoping, for rain.

Netherlands Drought Challenge: From Floods to Water Scarcity

To understand how a country famous for its rainfall and rivers has arrived at this point, it helps to look at how the land itself was designed. For generations, the Dutch water system had one job: get excess water out to sea as fast as possible, to prevent flooding. That same efficiency has become a liability as weather patterns shift towards longer dry spells and more intense heat. The pressure peaks in late summer, when temperatures regularly cross 35°C and water evaporates faster than rainfall can replace it.

The consequences of shrinking water reserves go well beyond the daily weather report. They are already reaching into the economy, and into the foundations — quite literally — of Dutch homes.

Thousands of historic Dutch houses stand on wooden foundation piles. When groundwater levels drop, those piles are exposed to air and begin to rot. On clay and peat soils, the ground shrinks unevenly, pulling foundations down and cracking brick walls

Economic Strain and Sinking Homes

In Westland, the heart of Dutch greenhouse horticulture, the Delfland water authority has banned growers from drawing irrigation water from local ditches and canals — the first such ban in its history. According to the growers’ umbrella body Glastuinbouw Nederland, the ban affects around 150 commercial growers, with potential damages running as high as €150 million.

At the same time, a quieter crisis is unfolding beneath people’s homes. Thousands of historic Dutch houses stand on wooden foundation piles. When groundwater levels drop, those piles are exposed to air and begin to rot. On clay and peat soils, the ground shrinks unevenly, pulling foundations down and cracking brick walls. The Council for the Living Environment and Infrastructure estimates that close to half a million buildings across the country could show foundation damage by 2035, with repair costs reaching as much as €54 billion.

From Water Battle to Water Sponge

This reality is forcing a fundamental shift in how the Netherlands manages its resources. For centuries, Dutch policy was simple: fight the water, and push it away. Today, water authorities are engaged in a delicate balancing act, trying to save every drop using canal locks and storage basins. But holding onto existing water can only do so much once the rain stops altogether.

Long-term resilience will require redesigning the landscape itself. Rather than treating rainwater as a threat to be flushed out to sea, experts increasingly argue that the Netherlands needs to function more like a giant sponge — capturing heavy winter rain and storing it safely to survive the dry summer months that are becoming the norm.

A Lesson Beyond Borders

What is unfolding in the Netherlands carries a lesson well beyond it. If a nation this experienced in water engineering is struggling to keep pace with a changing climate, it says something about how quickly conditions can outrun even the most sophisticated infrastructure. As riverbeds stay low and the dry spells drag on, the Dutch find themselves in an unfamiliar position for a country built on water: waiting for the skies to open.

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Society

Urban Women Hit by a Stark 8.7% Unemployment Rate

India’s unemployment rate rose to 5.4% in April–June 2026, but the sharpest divide was among urban workers: women faced 8.7% unemployment, while only 22.8% were employed compared with 70.7% of men.

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Women wearing masks march in a protest, holding a sign that reads “WE WANT JOB SECURITY.”
Women participate in a protest demanding job security, highlighting concerns over employment and workplace stability. Representational image. Image credit: Rsapmech/Pexels

India’s urban labour market continues to show a persistent gender imbalance, even as overall employment trends remain relatively stable. While unemployment rates are often used as the primary indicator of job stress, they do not fully capture who is able to access work in the first place.

India’s latest employment data reveal a divide larger than the headline unemployment rate. In April–June 2026, 8.7% of urban women aged 15 years and above who were in the labour force were unemployed, compared with 6.1% of urban men. But the sharper gap lies in employment itself: only 22.8% of urban women were working, compared with 70.7% of urban men.

The figures come as India’s overall unemployment rate rose to 5.4%, from 5.0% in January–March, according to the latest Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) Quarterly Bulletin released by the Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation. Rural unemployment rose from 4.3% to 4.8%, while urban unemployment remained almost unchanged at 6.7%.

For urban women, unemployment actually fell from 9.1% to 8.7% over the quarter. Yet it remains considerably higher than the rate for men.

That makes the story less about a sudden rise in female unemployment and more about a persistent question: why are so few urban women participating in paid work?

The Bigger Divide is Participation

The unemployment rate counts people who are working or actively seeking and available for work. Those outside the labour force are not counted as unemployed.

That distinction is crucial. The urban Worker Population Ratio (WPR) stood at 46.8% overall in April–June. But the gender gap was stark: 70.7% for men and just 22.8% for women.

The nearly 48-percentage-point difference means that looking only at the 8.7% female unemployment rate captures only part of the employment problem. India can therefore have a relatively stable urban unemployment rate while still having a large pool of women who are not participating in the labour market.

Unemployment and gender gap in employment.
Women work on a production floor, illustrating the growing importance of women’s participation in India’s urban workforce amid persistent gender gaps in employment. Image credit: EqualStock IN/Pexels

Urban Jobs are Changing, But the Gender Gap Remains

The urban labour market itself is not showing signs of a broad collapse. Urban unemployment edged up only marginally from 6.6% to 6.7% during the quarter. At the same time, the share of urban workers in regular wage or salaried employment increased from 48.9% to 49.3%.

Urban employment is also dominated by services. The tertiary sector accounted for 62% of urban employment in April–June, compared with 61.7% a year earlier.

Yet these shifts have not translated into comparable employment outcomes for women.

Rural Unemployment Rose Faster

The national increase in unemployment was partly driven by rural India. Rural unemployment rose by 0.5 percentage points, compared with a 0.1-point increase in urban areas. At the same time, rural employment continued to shift away from agriculture: agriculture’s share fell from 55.8% to 52.9%, while the secondary sector rose from 22.6% to 24.4%.

chart visualization

The figures point to an economy undergoing changes in where and how people work, even as access to employment remains uneven.

Women’s Participation Also Fell

The gender gap extends beyond cities. Overall female labour-force participation declined from 34.7% in January–March to 33.2% in April–June. The overall LFPR for people aged 15 and above also fell, from 55.5% to 54.6%.

The latest figures should not be interpreted as proof that women simply lost jobs. LFPR measures participation in the labour force, while WPR measures actual employment.

But together, the indicators highlight a persistent challenge: India’s employment story cannot be understood through unemployment alone.

The Question of Gender Gap

The PLFS does not establish why urban women participate in the labour market at much lower rates than men. Factors such as childcare, household responsibilities, transport, workplace conditions, safety and access to suitable jobs require separate evidence and reporting.

What the data do establish is the scale of the divide. Urban female unemployment is 8.7%, compared with 6.1% for men. But the much larger gap is in actual employment: 22.8% of urban women were working, against 70.7% of urban men.

As India’s urban economy becomes increasingly service-led and regular salaried employment expands, the central employment question is no longer only how many jobs are being created. It is also who is able to enter the workforce and stay in it.

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Society

From Bell Labs to the Classroom: Finding Purpose After Retirement

In the previous part of my story, I described how retirement led me to pursue certification as a high school mathematics teacher after my career at Bell Labs.

Sudhir M. Ambekar

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Second Act is Education Publica’s column on professionals who reinvent themselves after retirement or at major turning points in life. In the previous issue, former Bell Labs researcher Sudhir M. Ambedkar recounted his journey from IIT Bombay and the University of California, Berkeley to nearly three decades of research and innovation at Bell Labs. In this concluding part, he reflects on how retirement opened the door to an equally rewarding second career—as a mathematics teacher, mentor and lifelong learner.

In the previous part of my story, I described how retirement led me to pursue certification as a high school mathematics teacher after my career at Bell Labs. Standing in a classroom for the first time as a teacher marked the beginning of an entirely new chapter in my life.

After completing my certification, I taught mathematics full-time for about seven years. Teaching mathematics in the United States was a new experience for me, and it took some time to adjust to a different way of teaching. While teaching, I learned a few things about some fundamental mathematics concepts that I had never thought about before.

I used a hybrid approach, combining the Indian method and the American method of teaching mathematics. During my tenure as a teacher, I made several observations about the education system where I was teaching, although many of them were generally applicable to the education system in New Jersey as well. I documented those observations in a white paper and sent them to a few education professors at major universities. Some agreed with my observations but said I could not publish the paper in an academic journal because I was not an education researcher.

One observation was the amount of repetition in the curriculum across Algebra I, Algebra II and Pre-Calculus. I felt it would be better to build a stronger foundation in the earlier stages rather than repeat many of the same topics in subsequent courses.

I also noticed that calculators were introduced in very early grades. As a result, many students became overly dependent on them and often lacked the ability to perform mental mathematics. I believe it is important to build a strong understanding of basic mathematical operations and concepts—including addition, subtraction, multiplication, division, fractions and solving equations—before relying heavily on technology.

The mathematics textbooks used in American schools are excellent. They contain colourful illustrations, graphics and worked examples that make concepts easier to understand. At the same time, students often expected teachers to explain every step in detail, rather than working through some of the reasoning independently.

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Another aspect that interested me was the grading system. Homework and classwork accounted for a significant portion of students’ grades, while tests and quizzes carried comparatively less weight. In my opinion, this did not always accurately reflect a student’s mathematical skills and knowledge.

The students hardly ever received failing grades, and almost everyone progressed to the next level. On one occasion, I was under pressure to pass a student so that the school could maintain a 100 per cent graduation rate—a highly valued performance indicator.

These observations are not intended as criticism of the education system, but simply to illustrate how it differed from the one I had experienced in India. Bright students always rise to the top in this system as well.

I thoroughly enjoyed teaching, and it was gratifying to see students succeed and gain admission to excellent universities. Unlike research, where results often take years to become visible, I could see the impact of my work immediately.

After about seven years of teaching, I underwent knee surgery. As a result, I gave up classroom teaching and began focusing more seriously on preparing students for the SAT and ACT, the standardised tests widely used for college admissions in the United States.

I worked with two learning centres that referred students to me for SAT and ACT coaching. Over the years, both examinations changed considerably in their format and content, so I had to keep up with those changes and adjust my teaching accordingly.

Initially, I taught students in person. During the COVID-19 pandemic, all instruction shifted to Zoom. Even after the pandemic, I continued teaching online because, since most of my classes were one-to-one, I found Zoom to be both efficient and physically less demanding.

As a result of teaching these examinations, I developed several practical strategies that enabled students to complete the tests accurately within the allotted time. Some students later told me they found these strategies useful not only in the SAT and ACT but also in their regular mathematics and English classes.

I eventually published these strategies as a series of guidebooks on Amazon. The feedback from students and parents has been consistently encouraging.

In terms of years, my teaching career has now lasted about 75 per cent as long as my engineering career. In both professions, I could see the results of my work, but teaching has been more gratifying because I had direct contact with the people who benefited from it.

I expect to continue this second career for as long as possible.

Sudhir M. Ambedkar is a mechanical engineer trained at IIT Bombay and the University of California, Berkeley. He spent nearly three decades at Bell Labs working in telecommunications research and development. After retirement, he became a certified mathematics teacher and now tutors students preparing for the SAT and ACT while authoring test-preparation guides.

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