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Why Kerala Has Struggled to Replicate Perinjanam’s Solar Success

In Perinjanam, a small coastal village in Kerala, rooftop solar panels have transformed hundreds of households—slashing electricity bills and proving the potential of community-driven energy. Yet across Kerala, India’s most literate state, similar projects remain rare, revealing the gap between local innovation and statewide adoption. Here is how it can happen.

Dipin Damodharan

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Office of the Perinjanam Gram Panchayat, the elected local self-government body, which acts as a facilitator for renewable energy programs and other community initiatives. Image by Lakshmi Narayanan/EdPublica

On a humid afternoon in Perinjanam, a coastal panchayat in Thrissur district of the South Indian state Kerala, Susheela leads me into her kitchen and points upstairs to the metal roof. The small array of solar panels there has changed the family’s daily expenses. “Before 2016, our electricity bill was over Rs 1,000 every month. After that, it rarely crosses Rs 200,” she says, folding her hands as if to show how the burden has lifted. “Installing solar panels on the roof has been undoubtedly beneficial. We’ve seen clear savings on our bills,” Susheela says.

Perinjanorjam (Perinjanam Energy), the village’s community-driven rooftop solar initiative, now powers more than a thousand households like Susheela’s and has drawn attention across India. In 2016, the panchayat embarked on what was then an audacious experiment—combining government subsidies, cooperative-bank lending, and local mobilization to make an energy self-reliant village. The results were undeniable on the ground. But the very success that made Perinjanam a poster child has not translated into a replicable model across Kerala. Nine years since its launch, and three years after high-profile endorsements and study visits, other panchayats still hesitate. Why?

The Perinjanam solar project, driven by the collective efforts of local institutions and residents, is celebrated as a model for other panchayats. For a state like Kerala, which relies heavily on electricity from outside, rooftop solar projects are crucial. By involving ordinary families, they demonstrate the strength of a decentralized approach—while also advancing India’s clean energy transition.

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A wide view of Perinjanam village in Kerala where renewable energy ambitions meet everyday realities.Image by Lakshmi Narayanan/EdPublica

At COP26, India pledged 500 GW of renewable capacity by 2030. Progress has been steady, with 235.7 GW already in place, but the pace must increase. Decentralized, community-driven initiatives like Perinjanam could help bridge the gap.

What is the Perinjanam Project?

It’s an alternative electricity generation and distribution model, with participation from the public, panchayat, cooperative bank, Kerala State Electricity Board (KSEB), and Solar Energy Corporation of India (SECI), carried out in Perinjanam gram panchayat, Thrissur. Perinjanam, the first panchayat in India to generate 700 kW of rural solar power for itself, is a model for local energy self-sufficiency. Daytime electricity from the solar panels is used for household needs; the surplus is supplied to KSEB’s common pool grid. At night, homes rely on KSEB power. Electricity bills reflect the difference between what is exported and what is imported. If the exported and imported electricity quantities are equal, the only charge is meter rent. The heart of Perinjanam project is a consumer committee set up for project implementation.

Launched in 2016 by then-panchayat president Sachith KK with the support of then Kerala State Electricity Regulatory Commission (KSERC) chairman TM Manoharan, Perinjanam’s solar initiative was born out of their vision, as said by then consumer committee head Noorrudheen to EdPublica. “Sachith learned about SECI’s 500 kW subsidized scheme for solar in Kerala through Manoharan. The idea to use this for local benefit was decisive,” Noorrudheen says.

Through numerous meetings and awareness campaigns, ward members reached out house-to-house to educate people about solar. Since the project started soon after a major solar scam in Kerala, skepticism lingered. The initial plan was for a 500 kW project covering 250 homes, with rooftop units typically ranging from 1 to 5 kW. For Perinjanam residents, many of whom faced financial hardships, participation in the novel project required financial support. Both the panchayat and the cooperative bank (then under CPI(M) leadership) decided after much discussion to give low-interest, collateral-free loans to participants. Noorrudheen credits this bank loan as the key factor that made the Perinjanam project a success. With Manoharan as an advisor, KSEB offered full support. Households with bills above Rs 500 were targeted first. An active, proactive panchayat president engaged the cooperative bank, registered a consumer committee as a one-stop solution for project management, and worked with SECI for subsidies. Thus, Perinjanam stands out as a unique community-driven project involving multiple stakeholders—a model found nowhere else.

According to latest estimates, Perinjanam section’s monthly generation stood at 3.16 MW, now including Kaypamangalam and Mathilakam panchayats. “There are 1008 connections under the Perinjanam section. The project covers 956 houses. The remaining are shops and other institutions. Today the project reached a capacity of 4,305 kW. The total generation is 316,823 units,” says KSEB Assistant Engineer Thara.

The project can produce enough electricity in a year to meet the needs of roughly 4,000–6,000 rural households. Perinjanam has around 5,342 households, according to the last Census report, and a typical rural home in Kerala uses about 97 units per month. That means the plant’s full annual potential—roughly 5.17–6.89 million units—could supply most, if not all, of the panchayat’s households. So far, it has generated 316,823 units, already enough for about a year’s supply to 270 homes, a figure expected to grow as the system completes more annual cycles—enough to power nearly all homes in one or two wards of Perinjanam.

Why Hasn’t Perinjanam Been Replicated?

Apart from achieving energy self-sufficiency through solar power, a 2022 report revealed that the Perinjanam Solar Initiative reduced carbon emissions by 192,000 kilograms. Inspired by Perinjanam’s outcomes, 37 panchayats in Tamil Nadu decided to implement similar projects, and in 2022, a 45-member delegation from Tamil Nadu visited Perinjanam to study the model.

Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan and Finance Minister K N Balagopal had publicly urged other panchayats to adopt the Perinjanam model. However, no other panchayat has followed suit so far. Let us look at the reasons behind this.

One major reason, as often pointed out, is that the Perinjanam Solar Project was not a flagship initiative of the panchayat itself. The panchayat acted only as a facilitator, while it was the consumer committee that took the lead in implementation. The project originated from the idea of the then panchayat president, who pushed it forward, but what truly set it apart was the proactive role of the consumer committee.

The Perinjanam model is in fact the most practical and replicable model for other panchayats. What makes it unique is the structure of its consumer committee, a 14-member registered body that oversees everything—including the maintenance of solar units and overall project management. Earlier, the panchayat president himself was part of the committee. However, with a change in the elected local body, the current panchayat committee appears less interested in the project. The consumer committee members are elected annually by the beneficiaries themselves. “It is this committee system that keeps the initiative alive,” explains Noorrudheen.

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Office of the Perinjanam Gram Panchayat, the elected local self-government body.Image by Lakshmi Narayanan/EdPublica

Our visit to the panchayat office confirmed this impression: informally, top officials acknowledged that the panchayat functions only as a facilitator. And the response reflects their lack of interest. “For Perinjanam’s success to spread elsewhere, what is needed most is government-level intervention,” says Sachith. He recalls that Finance Minister Balagopal even mentioned Perinjanam in his budget speech, urging local bodies to adopt such initiatives. “But that is not enough,” he argues. Each year, the government issues guidelines listing ten mandatory activities/action plans for local bodies. Unless rooftop solar—implemented with people’s investment, cooperative bank support, and government subsidies—is included in that framework, and unless it becomes part of the annual project plan, real expansion will not happen. “So far, no such directive has come. That is a big reason for the failure,” Sachith adds. “If each of Kerala’s 956 panchayats installed even one megawatt, which alone would add up to 956 MW. People are willing to invest their money; cooperative banks only need to support those who cannot afford the upfront cost. It requires far less effort and expense than building new power projects. But it must be made mandatory to install 1 MW of solar energy in every Panchayat,” he insists.

Another barrier is the lack of awareness. “People do not fully understand what green energy is, nor why shifting to it is important,” says the former panchayat president. “I installed a 4 kW rooftop solar unit at my house. I own an electric scooter and even an electric car. But very few people think about how far we can run an entire household on green energy.”

There is also the issue of local body leadership. Panchayat leaders often fail to think innovatively about the possibilities before them. “We once used CSR funds to power streetlights with rooftop solar. The panchayat, which had an electricity bill of Rs 90,000(approximately $1,015.50) , reduced it by nearly Rs 30,000 ($338.50),” recalls Sachith.

For N K Sathyanathan, who was the president of the local cooperative bank during the project’s rollout, the main barrier to replication elsewhere is lack of financial support mechanisms. “When we began Perinjanam Solar, cooperative banks technically had no provision to offer loans for rooftop solar. But with the support of the then panchayat president and Manoharan from KSEB, we devised a sub-rule to make it possible,” he explains. The bank allocated Rs 1 crore for loans, offering up to Rs 50,000 per individual with minimal collateral—family members could stand as mutual guarantors, without the need for extra security. The loans were offered at low interest and had a 36-month repayment period. Over 300 households received loans in the first phase, and almost all repaid ahead of schedule, without a single default.

Sathyanathan argues that if Kerala’s many cooperative banks adopt a similar loan framework, it could unleash a revolution in rooftop solar. He recalls even Tamil Nadu officials asking him how they managed it, and he shared their model of innovative lending. “When electricity demand rises, states often turn to nuclear or hydro projects. But rooftop solar is a viable alternative. If encouraged, Kerala would never need to depend on buying electricity from other states,” he says. “The government doesn’t lose a single rupee on this model.”

Noorrudheen adds that affordable financing is crucial to expand rooftop solar to low-income households. He also stresses that consumer committees are vital: since these are long-term projects, relying on elected panchayat bodies alone is risky, because changes in leadership after elections can disrupt continuity. Instead, projects should be run by independent consumer committees, supported by the panchayat. Ensuring the availability of technical experts even after the warranty period is another key requirement.

Premlal, convener, consumer committee, thinks that the lack of interest from agencies like KSEB is also a factor. “The Perinjanam project happened due to a confluence of many factors—the vision of the then panchayat leadership, intervention by the KSEB regulatory commission chairman, Manoharan’s initiative, and crucially, cooperative bank financing. Many residents also invested from their own pockets. Unless such elements come together, replication elsewhere will remain difficult.”

“At that time, about 500 people in Perinjanam were aware of solar. It was significant that a 1 kW system could be installed for Rs 45,500 (approximately $664–$684 USD at 2016 exchange rates),” says Sachith. The project was implemented by a 14-member solar consumer committee chaired by the panchayat president, with the panchayat serving as facilitator and eligible houses enrolled. SECI sanctioned a Rs 19,500 subsidy per kW, bringing the actual cost per kW to Rs 65,000; consumers paid only Rs 45,500. The committee handled documentation, SECI coordination, and contracting, freeing consumers from hassles. Contractors were selected through competitive quotations. GPR Power Solutions (Chennai) was contracted for implementation, and the consumer committee continues to manage maintenance. Loans to the tune of Rs 1.3 crore were taken from the cooperative bank for the project.

Lives Transformed

“Rooftop units range from 1 to 5 kW, with the initial target being 500 kW; it’s presumed now to exceed 4,000 kW. Perinjanam’s success inspired others, and the project is a global model—environmentally, too, its benefits are clear. People are very satisfied,” says consumer committee convener Premlal, a fact confirmed by the EdPublica team’s field visit.

Still, people have some anxieties about new regulations. “We installed our solar unit at launch, with Manoharan’s advice. Our bills now are just Rs 130–200. But there are rumors of rule changes, and that worries us,” says Susheela, a Perinjanam homemaker. Recently, bill amounts have increased, which she and others have brought up with the committee. She adds: “We’ve never had any problem with the solar unit. When the panel broke, it was replaced free.” Susheela’s family installed a 2 kW unit via loan; the process was smooth and the amount repaid in two years.

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Susheela, a resident of Perinjanam, outside her home powered by a 2-kilowatt rooftop solar system. Another resident, Bharathan (left), stopped by for a conversation.
Image by Lakshmi Narayanan/EdPublica

Rahimabi, another resident, notes that bills initially came down to Rs 250 but are now as high as Rs 1,000 again, which concerns her. Bharathan, a Gulf returnee, has a 2 kW unit and says he’s never had a maintenance issue. He worries about a possible rule requiring battery storage for units above 3 kW and says his panel may soon need replacing. His monthly bill, once Rs 900–Rs 1,000, is now just Rs 300, but he laments the low compensation from KSEB and the risk of full supply loss in a power cut.

Prajitha and Sreekanth’s family, among the first solar homes in the panchayat, added battery storage alongside their unit because of concerns about rising bills. “Earlier, my bill was Rs 900. Now, we pay only the meter rent—Rs 140. There have been no maintenance issues so far.”

Premlal also reports quick payback and additional income for higher producers, and Sathyan master, another resident, claims he got back as much as Rs 2,000 after use. One house, for instance, produces 17 units per day, and some households that both produce and consume solar energy (prosumers) have earned up to Rs 9,000 by selling power back to KSEB. At the same time, the reality is that the project has not yet reached everyone in the panchayat. “I have never heard about such a solar initiative,” says Raphael, a mason and resident of Perinjanam. Sukanya, a homemaker from Perinjanam, adds, “I had no awareness of such a project, and when I first heard about it, it seemed like something that would cost a lot of money.”

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Rooftop solar–powered homes in Perinjanam village, Thrissur district. Though Kerala trails behind national rooftop solar targets, local households are beginning to adopt the shift.
Image by Lakshmi Narayanan/EdPublica

Why Kerala Needs Rooftop Solar

According to the Ministry of New and Renewable Energy, Kerala currently ranks 13th in the country in terms of installed renewable energy capacity. Across India, nearly 80% of newly added renewable units are solar-based. Government figures show that India has overtaken Japan to become the world’s third-largest solar producer. As of July 2025, the country’s cumulative solar capacity stands at 119.92 GW—of which 19.88 GW comes from grid-connected rooftop systems and 5.09 GW from off-grid installations. Notably, Kerala does not figure among the regions identified by the Centre as high-potential zones for renewable energy.

States like Rajasthan, Gujarat, and Madhya Pradesh have tackled the solar energy challenge by setting up vast solar farms spread across thousands of hectares. Kerala, however, does not have such an option due to its limited land availability. “But there is immense potential for rooftop solar here,” says Sreekanth, an independent researcher in the field.

Data visualization by EdPublica, created with Flourish

According to official government reports, Kerala’s installed solar capacity stands at 1,792.34 MW. Of this, the installed rooftop solar capacity is just 24.93 MW. Data released by the Ministry of New and Renewable Energy (MNRE) shows that the state’s total renewable energy capacity is 4,106.78 MW. This means rooftop solar contributes only 1.39% of Kerala’s total solar capacity, and just 0.61% of the overall renewable energy capacity.

Kerala has set ambitious targets: to achieve 100% renewable energy by 2040 and to become a net carbon-neutral state by 2050. The Kerala State Action Plan on Climate Change 2023–2030 (Kerala SAPCC 2.0), released by the Chief Minister, outlines several programmes and strategies designed to help the state reach these goals.

Data visualization by EdPublica, created with Flourish

In this journey, rooftop solar projects will have a decisive role to play. Kerala now has 152,000 rooftop units (946.9 MW), a top growth record under the PM Surya Ghar programme—yet only 2 percent of its 13 million energy consumers use rooftop solar. Critics say new policies have raised fresh challenges, even as KSEB imports about 70% of its electricity from outside. Solar remains the best alternative.

Rising Challenges

Noorrudheen points out a growing concern: because of the current approach of the government and KSEB, solar power is becoming a less attractive option for ordinary people.

KSEB, however, argues that there is another side to the issue raised earlier by Bharathan. According to the utility, grid-connected solar units can impose additional costs on consumers. In Kerala, peak electricity demand occurs between 6 p.m. and 11 p.m., whereas households that both produce and consume solar energy (prosumers) use only about 36% of the power they generate. The rest is exported to the grid. But at night, they draw back about 45% of their supplied energy. On average, KSEB purchases only 19% of the solar power generated daily.

This mismatch adds financial pressure: because electricity costs rise during peak hours, KSEB estimates that the power banking arrangement could result in losses of nearly Rs 500 crore in FY 2024–25. This translates into a 19-paise increase per unit of electricity for Kerala’s 13 million consumers.

If rooftop solar systems above 3 kW are installed without battery storage, this burden is expected to rise further in coming years. KSEB projects that by 2034–35, consumers may face an additional 39 paise per unit due to this imbalance. These figures form the basis of the argument for making battery storage mandatory, though such a move poses another serious challenge for scaling up rooftop solar projects. At present, Kerala ranks fourth in India in terms of installed rooftop solar capacity, behind Gujarat, Maharashtra, and Rajasthan.

Regulatory Impacts on Rooftop Solar Adoption

The regulatory framework may further affect adoption. The Kerala State Electricity Regulatory Commission (KSERC) has proposed restricting net metering to systems under 3 kW, down sharply from the earlier 1 MW limit. Larger consumers would instead fall under net billing or gross metering, which are far less favourable.

Financial implications are significant. Under net billing, exported solar power is priced at the Solar Energy Corporation of India (SECI) discovered tariff, often as low as Rs 2–2.5 per kWh, compared to the Rs 3.59 per kWh retail tariff that consumers pay when buying from the grid. This pricing difference reduces savings and extends the payback period of rooftop solar investments. Moreover, households may need to install costly battery storage systems, which are not subsidized and can cost Rs 16,000–18,000 per kWh of capacity.

Market Consequences

Impact on adoption has already become visible. Reports suggest that Kerala’s monthly rooftop solar installation rate has dropped from 15 MW to just 5–6 MW since the draft regulations were introduced. While regulators argue the changes are necessary to ensure grid stability and minimize utility losses, the burden of balancing the grid has effectively been shifted to individual consumers. This risks discouraging both new and existing users from investing in rooftop solar, potentially slowing down Kerala’s progress toward its 2040 renewable energy and 2050 carbon-neutrality goals.

Perinjanam’s New Phase

“As part of the next stage of growth, Perinjanam is set to introduce battery storage as a new model,” says Sachith. A Battery Energy Storage System (BESS) in solar refers to a sophisticated system that stores electrical energy generated from solar panels in advanced rechargeable batteries for later use. This allows energy to be captured during peak solar production, stored when the sun isn’t shining, and then discharged during times of high demand or low solar output. BESS systems improve grid stability by balancing supply and demand, provide backup power during outages, and enhance the integration of intermittent renewable energy sources like solar.

“In our model, the electricity we generate will be stored and then supplied to KSEB during peak hours. At present, we receive just Rs 2.83 per unit, but with this system it could increase to as much as seven rupees,” Sachith explains. He stresses that such storage models must be widely implemented across Kerala. The Perinjanam project is already moving forward with this plan. The first unit will have a 500-kilowatt capacity, with an investment of around Rs 1.5 crore for battery storage. Of this, 10% will be contributed by the consumer committee, while the remaining 90% will come from a mix of 50% subsidy and 40% viability gap funding. The committee has also demanded a 20% profit margin.

With the successful implementation of this initiative, Perinjanam Solar is expected to gain greater recognition and be discussed at a much larger scale…

(This story was produced with support from Internews Earth Journalism Network)

Dipin Damodharan is the Co-founder and Editor-in-Chief of EdPublica. A journalist and editor with over 15 years of experience leading and co-founding both print and digital media outlets, he has written extensively on education, politics, and culture. His work has appeared in global publications such as The Huffington Post, The Himalayan Times, DailyO, Education Insider, and others.

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Society

Why Schools Must Stop Protecting Systems Over Children

Bullying rarely begins with visible cruelty. It grows quietly—through dismissed complaints, tolerated humiliation, and systems that choose reputation over responsibility. Breaking that silence requires schools to place dignity, empathy, and accountability at the centre of education.

Rishika Nair

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Image credits: RDNE Stock project/Pexels

First the lightning, then the thunder—that is what we believe we witness. Yet physics tells us the opposite is true. Thunder always comes first; its sound simply arrives later. Bullying follows a similar pattern. What eventually becomes visible conflict often begins quietly, long before anyone calls it by its name.

A joke goes unchecked. A complaint is dismissed as overreaction. A child realises that speaking up changes nothing. In those moments, bullying has already taken root. By the time it reaches headlines or disciplinary hearings, the behaviour has often been normalised within the social fabric of a classroom.

Silence is rarely accidental. It is sustained—by peers who fear becoming the next target, by adults who underestimate the harm, and sometimes by institutions that prioritise reputation over accountability.

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Image credits: RDNE Stock project/Pexels

Character Over Competence: A Global Shift

Recently, universities in South Korea made international headlines for rejecting applicants with documented histories of school bullying. In several cases, admissions decisions reportedly changed after evidence of past bullying emerged. The message was clear: academic excellence alone is no longer enough if it is accompanied by a record of harming others.

The aftermath revealed something deeper. Some rejected applicants reportedly appeared with parents and legal representatives to challenge the decisions. The controversy exposed a troubling reality: bullying is rarely sustained by students alone.

Parents, often understandably protective of their children, may sometimes pressure schools to minimise incidents. Educators, navigating institutional hierarchies, may feel compelled to preserve the school’s image. Gradually, a culture of quiet accommodation replaces accountability.

The question that emerges is uncomfortable but necessary: who truly sustains bullying—students, families, educators, or the systems that reward silence?

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When Schools Stop Feeling Safe

Schools are meant to be environments of learning, curiosity, and belonging. Yet for many students, they become spaces marked by anxiety, humiliation, and exclusion.

Bullying is not a harmless rite of passage or a phase children inevitably outgrow. Decades of psychological research show that repeated harassment—whether verbal, physical, or social—can leave long-term scars on mental health, self-esteem, and academic engagement.

Bullying is typically defined as repeated aggressive behaviour involving an imbalance of power. One individual or group deliberately harms another through intimidation, exclusion, ridicule, or physical aggression. With the rise of digital communication, cyberbullying has intensified the problem, extending harassment beyond school walls and leaving victims feeling trapped even in their own homes.

Understanding bullying therefore requires looking beyond individual behaviour. It requires examining the emotional and social ecosystems that allow harm to persist.

The Psychology Behind Bullying Behaviour

Public narratives often portray bullies as inherently cruel individuals. Psychological research paints a more complex picture.

Some children use aggression as a strategy to gain social status or dominance within peer groups. When classmates laugh, remain silent, or join the behaviour, the bully receives reinforcement. Power becomes socially rewarding.

In other cases, bullying behaviour reflects patterns observed at home. Children raised in environments shaped by conflict, neglect, or harsh discipline may internalise aggression as a way to assert control or cope with insecurity.

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Emotional regulation also plays a crucial role. Adolescents struggling with anger, anxiety, or feelings of invisibility may externalise these emotions through hostility towards others. In such situations, bullying can become a maladaptive coping strategy—an attempt to manage unresolved emotional distress.

These dynamics are not merely theoretical. They emerge clearly in lived experience.

SP, now pursuing a master’s degree in psychology, remembers being bullied after transferring schools when her family returned from Dubai. Her accent, mannerisms, and background made her stand out. Classmates mocked the differences that marked her identity.

The bullying subsided only when peers learned she was coping with her parents’ marital separation. The reaction left a lasting impression.

“They seemed comforted knowing I wasn’t happier than them,” she recalls.

For SP, the experience revealed something unsettling: bullying sometimes emerges from insecurity rather than confidence. For some adolescents, targeting others becomes a way to reduce feelings of inadequacy or reclaim social control. Students may even join bullying behaviour simply to avoid becoming targets themselves.

When Authority Becomes Harmful

Bullying does not always originate among peers. At times, it emerges from authority itself.

NSK, another psychology postgraduate student, describes her school years as marked not by encouragement but by humiliation. A mathematics teacher repeatedly mocked her inability to solve problems and singled her out in class. On one occasion, she was forced to kneel for hours as punishment.

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Image credits: RDNE Stock project/Pexels

When she attempted to report the treatment, she was discouraged from escalating the complaint. Teachers, she was told, always act in students’ best interests.

The consequences followed her home. While her mother recognised the emotional harm, her father prioritised academic performance, reinforcing the belief that endurance mattered more than dignity.

Experiences like these illustrate how bullying can become institutionalised when authority figures remain shielded from accountability.

The Cost of Silence

Perhaps the most damaging element of bullying is not the aggression itself but the silence surrounding it.

Many victims choose not to report their experiences out of fear—fear of retaliation, disbelief, or social isolation. Schools may dismiss incidents as harmless teasing or avoid acknowledging them altogether to protect their public image.

The result is a profound sense of loneliness. Students often leave school having learned not confidence or resilience, but survival—how to endure humiliation without expecting intervention.

Social-cognitive research adds another dimension. Some bullies display distorted beliefs about dominance or reduced sensitivity to others’ distress. Others are socially adept, skilfully manipulating peer dynamics to maintain influence. In both cases, silence allows the behaviour to continue unchecked.

Empathy as Intervention

Breaking the cycle of bullying requires more than punishment.

Rashimi Sreedhar, a former kindergarten head, recalls working with a child whose aggressive behaviour emerged after he was placed in a hostel at a very young age. The abrupt separation created intense loneliness and emotional dysregulation that later surfaced as hostility toward classmates.

Rather than responding with strict discipline, RS chose an empathy-centred approach.

When the child hurt others, she calmly expressed disappointment and sadness, even shedding tears. The reaction unsettled him. Later that day, he returned quietly to apologise.

“Instead of punishing him, I showed him how his actions affected someone he cared about,” she explains. “That emotional connection activated responsibility rather than fear.”

The behavioural change, she notes, proved lasting.

Moving Beyond Punishment

Effective responses to bullying must be layered and relational. Punitive measures alone—such as suspensions or public reprimands—rarely address the emotional dynamics underlying aggressive behaviour.

Victims need safe reporting systems, psychological support, and access to counselling. While building resilience is important, responsibility must never be placed solely on those who suffer harm.

Students who engage in bullying behaviour also require intervention—particularly in emotional regulation, empathy development, and conflict resolution. Research consistently shows that programmes emphasising social-emotional learning reduce bullying far more effectively than punishment alone.

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Shared Responsibility: Parents, Schools, Systems

Addressing bullying ultimately requires shared responsibility.

Parents play a crucial role in recognising behavioural changes and maintaining open communication with educators. Early warning signs—withdrawal, anxiety, sudden academic decline—should never be dismissed as ordinary adolescence.

Schools, meanwhile, must cultivate cultures of transparency and accountability. Anti-bullying policies cannot remain symbolic documents. They must be actively implemented, applied equally to students, teachers, and administrators.

Peer-led initiatives, restorative practices, and mental health education can empower students to challenge harmful norms rather than silently absorb them.

Breaking Silence, Building Safety

Bullying is rarely the result of individual cruelty alone. It emerges from silence—silence among classmates, silence within institutions, and silence within systems that prioritise comfort over accountability.

Breaking that silence requires courage from everyone involved: educators willing to intervene, parents willing to listen, and institutions willing to confront uncomfortable truths.

When schools choose transparency over protectionism and care over convenience, they can begin to fulfil their most fundamental promise: to be places where children feel safe enough to learn, grow, and belong.

Note: Names of students quoted in this article have been changed to protect their identity and privacy, given the sensitive nature of their experiences.

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Society

From One Roman Classroom to 60,000 Schools: How Maria Montessori Quietly Changed the World

A century after Maria Montessori reimagined childhood, her ideas continue to shape classrooms worldwide – bridging education and creativity in a rapidly changing world. Today, the real debate is no longer whether Montessori works, but for whom – and under what conditions.

Rishika Nair

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Counting beads, tracing letters made of sandpaper, children identifying sounds and phonetics—the classroom hums with quiet concentration as children move freely between activities. The teacher watches from a distance, intervening only when invited. At first glance, the scene may appear unstructured. Yet beneath this autonomy lies a carefully constructed philosophy—the Montessori method—developed over a century ago by an Italian physician who transformed the way the world understands childhood and learning.

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Breaking Barriers in a Man’s World

Born on 31 August 1870 to Alessandro Montessori, an accountant in the Italian civil service, and Renilde Stoppani, a well-educated woman with a passion for reading, Maria Montessori emerged as a pioneer who challenged rigid social norms and reshaped the meaning of education.

As her education progressed, Montessori consistently defied expectations placed on women of her era. She initially pursued engineering—an uncommon choice for women in technical schools at the time. Though her parents encouraged her to become a teacher, Montessori aspired to study medicine. Despite opposition from her father and an unsuccessful interview with a university professor, she remained resolute, famously declaring, “I know I shall become a doctor.”

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She enrolled at the University of Rome, earning a diploma in physics, mathematics, and natural sciences—prerequisites for medical studies. Facing open prejudice from male peers, Montessori persisted with remarkable determination. In 1896, she became one of Italy’s first female physicians. That same year, during the International Congress for Women, she presented a thesis advocating social reform, including equal pay for women.

Montessori later worked as a surgical assistant at Rome’s Santo Spirito Hospital, treating the urban poor, especially children. Her clinical work soon extended to the University of Rome’s psychiatric clinic, where she encountered children with intellectual disabilities who had been written off by society. What struck her most was not their limitations, but their deprivation—of movement, sensory experience, and meaningful activity.

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Her observations led her to study the work of nineteenth-century French educators Jean-Marc Itard and Édouard Séguin, whose methods emphasised sensory training and individualised learning. Montessori translated their writings into Italian and adapted their ideas through systematic observation, laying the foundation for her own approach.

Disturbed by how neglect and institutional failure often pushed children with developmental challenges towards delinquency, Montessori addressed the National Pedagogical Congress, calling for medical-pedagogical institutes and specialised teacher training. Education, she argued, was not merely instruction but social reform.

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A decisive turning point came with her appointment as co-director of the Orthophrenic School in Rome. There, Montessori refined learning materials, observed children meticulously, and documented their progress with scientific rigour. During this period, she gave birth to her son, Mario, who would later become her closest collaborator and carry her work forward globally.

The Birth of the Montessori Classroom

In 1907, amid Rome’s rapid urban expansion, Montessori was invited to work with children living in newly built social housing. She opened the first Casa dei Bambini (Children’s House) in the San Lorenzo district. What unfolded surprised even her. When given freedom within a carefully prepared environment, children chose purposeful work, repeated activities with concentration, and displayed discipline without external rewards or punishments.

“I did not invent a method of education,” Montessori later wrote. “I simply gave some little children a chance to live.”

Her philosophy—centred on self-directed learning, sensory engagement, and respect for each child’s pace—challenged the foundations of conventional schooling. Critics questioned the absence of uniform benchmarks, yet the results were difficult to ignore. Within a few years, additional Casa dei Bambini opened across Italy, and educators from around the world travelled to observe her work.

Her approach—rooted in hands-on learning, sensory engagement, and self-direction—challenged rigid, exam-driven systems that dominated education then and continue in many parts of the world today.

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A Global Movement Takes Shape

Montessori’s 1909 lectures were compiled into The Montessori Method, published in English in 1912 and translated into more than twenty languages. The movement expanded rapidly through teacher-training programmes, schools, and Montessori societies across Europe, the Americas, and Asia. Her plans for a permanent research centre, however, were disrupted by the rise of fascism in Europe. Her book The Montessori Method became a global reference point, and schools began emerging across continents.

Today, the scale of her influence is striking. According to BBC Future, around 60,000 schools worldwide use the Montessori method in some form. More conservative academic research, including a 2022 global census, estimates approximately 15,763 Montessori schools based on verified data.

The difference reflects Montessori’s dual identity—as both a formal system and a widely adopted philosophy. The United States leads with roughly 5,000 programmes, while countries such as China, Germany, Canada, Thailand and Tanzania also host large Montessori networks. India, too, has a growing presence, with around 400–420 listed schools.

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Why Montessori Still Matters Today

For many educators, Montessori is not just a method—it is a response to the limitations of modern schooling.

Arun G. Menon, founder of Kerala-based Dolphinz Preschool, who transitioned from a career at Tata Consultancy Services, says his shift to education was driven by a growing concern. In the corporate world, he observed that while systems were becoming faster and more technologically advanced, many graduates struggled to meet real-world expectations.

“The gap is not just at the higher education level—it begins at the foundation,” he notes, explaining why he chose to focus on early childhood learning.

At his school, Montessori principles are blended with the theory of multiple intelligences. The emphasis is on independence, creativity, and experiential learning—skills he believes are essential in an era shaped by rapid technological change and what many describe as the Fifth Industrial Revolution.

Menon argues that conventional teaching methods are increasingly inadequate. “Children need space to explore, build confidence, and think independently—not just rely on tools like Google or AI,” he says. The goal is to cultivate problem-solving ability, emotional intelligence, teamwork, and decision-making—skills that define human value in today’s world.

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Inside the Montessori Classroom

In practice, Montessori classrooms often look very different from conventional ones.

Sapna Raj, a Montessori teacher from CGKG Porbandar, Gujarat, describes a learning environment where children sit on the floor, working with wooden materials and hands-on tools rather than textbooks. “The focus is on activity-based learning and motor skill development before formal writing begins,” she explains.

Notebooks come later—typically only in the early primary years—allowing children to first build coordination, understanding, and confidence through experience.

This approach, she says, makes learning both joyful and lasting. “Children understand what they learn. They don’t just memorise and forget.”

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Critiques and Debates

Despite its global influence, the Montessori method has faced criticism from educators and researchers. Some argue that its emphasis on self-directed learning may not suit all children, particularly those who require more structured guidance or thrive in competitive environments. Others question the lack of standardised assessment, raising concerns about how learning outcomes are measured and compared. Critics have also pointed to the high cost of many Montessori schools, which can limit accessibility and make the model less inclusive. In some cases, loosely affiliated schools adopt the Montessori label without adhering to its core principles, leading to inconsistencies in quality. At the same time, proponents argue that when implemented faithfully, Montessori education produces strong outcomes in independence, creativity and problem-solving—qualities increasingly valued in a rapidly changing world.

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A Legacy Beyond Classrooms

Montessori’s journey also brought her to India in the late 1930s, where she conducted training programmes and engaged deeply with Indian philosophical thought. Influenced by thinkers such as Rabindranath Tagore, she developed the idea of Cosmic Education—a vision that connects learning with peace, ecology, and universal responsibility.

Following her death in 1952, her son Mario Montessori carried forward her work, ensuring its continuity.

Today, Montessori classrooms across the world—from urban India to Europe and Africa—continue to reflect a simple yet radical belief: that education, when rooted in respect for the child, can shape not just individuals, but the future of society itself.

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Climate

The Climate World Cup? How Climate Change Could Affect Player Performance at the 2026 World Cup

Climate change and the 2026 FIFA World Cup could affect 97 matches, increasing heat risks for players, altering performance and raising safety concerns.

Dipin Damodharan

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Climate change and the 2026 FIFA World Cup could expose players and fans to higher temperatures during matches across North America.
Climate change and the 2026 FIFA World Cup could expose players and fans to higher temperatures during matches across North America. Image credit: Jason Charters /Unsplash

Climate change and the 2026 FIFA World Cup are on a collision course, with new research suggesting that rising temperatures could affect player performance, match intensity and fan safety in nearly every game of football’s biggest tournament.

When football fans tune in to the 2026 FIFA World Cup on June 11, they will be watching more than a battle between the world’s best teams. They may also be witnessing a new reality for global sport: a tournament increasingly shaped by climate change.

A new analysis by Climate Central suggests that rising global temperatures are making it more likely that players will compete in conditions known to affect performance during much of the tournament. The findings raise questions not only about athlete safety but also about how the game itself may evolve in a warming world.

The 2026 FIFA World Cup, scheduled from June 11 to July 19, 2026, will be the largest in the tournament’s history, featuring 48 teams and 104 matches across venues in the United States, Canada and Mexico. But according to Climate Central’s analysis, 97 of those 104 matches now face a higher likelihood of experiencing temperatures above 28°C, a threshold associated with reduced football performance.

Researchers found that nearly half the matches have at least a 50 per cent chance of being played in conditions that can impair performance. In several cases, climate change has increased those odds substantially. One of the most affected fixtures is the June 26 match between Uruguay and Spain in Guadalajara, where the probability of performance-affecting heat has increased by 37 percentage points because of climate change.

Climate Change and the 2026 FIFA World Cup Could Alter the Game

For decades, discussions about climate change and sport focused primarily on scheduling disruptions, extreme weather events or damaged infrastructure. The new analysis points to something more fundamental: the possibility that rising temperatures may influence what happens on the pitch itself.

Research cited by Climate Central shows that temperatures above 28°C can reduce sprint frequency, decrease the total distance players cover and slow recovery times. In a sport where margins are often measured in seconds and centimetres, even small declines in physical performance can influence tactics, intensity and match outcomes.

Professor Mike Tipton of the University of Portsmouth’s Extreme Environments Laboratory said the effects of heat extend beyond discomfort.

“Playing in temperatures above 28°C changes the game – affecting tactics, tempo and overall quality. We see reduced intensity, less sprinting and potentially fewer chances being created. As temperatures climb further, the risks also increase. Prolonged exposure and dehydration can lead to heat exhaustion or even heat stroke, particularly in high-stakes matches where players are more likely to push beyond their natural limits.”

Climate change and the 2026 FIFA World Cup could affect 97 matches, increasing heat risks for players, altering performance and raising safety concerns.
As the 2026 FIFA World Cup gets underway on June 11, concerns are growing that rising temperatures could influence how the tournament is played. Image credit: Franco Monsalvo

The implications are not limited to players. Slower matches, altered tactics and more frequent cooling breaks could affect the experience for millions of spectators in stadiums and billions watching worldwide.

Climate Change and the 2026 FIFA World Cup Raise New Safety Questions

Concerns about heat are becoming increasingly common across international sport.

Athletes competing in marathons, tennis tournaments and Olympic events have already faced extreme temperatures in recent years. Football, despite its global popularity, is not immune.

Norwegian international Morten Thorsby, who is expected to play at the 2026 World Cup, argues that the conversation can no longer focus solely on performance.

“This analysis makes clear that rising temperatures are not only a serious health risk for players and fans, but they are also starting to affect the quality of the game itself. When heat impacts sprinting, recovery, and overall intensity, it changes the way football is played – and not for the better,” he said.

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Source: Climate Central

“That’s exactly why I signed the players’ letter to FIFA last week. We need to take these risks seriously and ensure that the game we love is protected, both for those on the pitch and everyone watching around the world.”

The analysis arrives as sports governing bodies face increasing pressure to adapt competitions to a changing climate. Possible responses include scheduling more matches during cooler periods of the day, increasing player protection measures and reconsidering host venue requirements.

The Future of Football in a Warming World

Climate scientists argue that what is happening to football mirrors broader changes taking place across society.

Shel Winkley, a meteorologist at Climate Central, said climate change is already reshaping many of the traditions people associate with sport.

“The World Cups of the past won’t happen again — not because the players have changed, but because the planet has. Heatwaves, unpredictable weather, and shifting seasons are rewriting the rules of the games we love,” Winkley said.

“Athletes are forced to play more cautiously, strategize differently, and abandon the risks that once made sport thrilling. Unless we stop burning fossil fuels, the future of competition won’t be about who plays best — it’ll be about who can tolerate the heat.”

For football fans, the warning is striking. Climate change is often discussed through statistics, emissions targets and policy debates. The 2026 World Cup offers a more visible illustration of its impact.

If the analysis proves accurate, the world’s biggest sporting event may become a reminder that climate change is no longer a distant environmental issue. It is increasingly becoming a factor that shapes how people work, travel, compete and even play the games they love.

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