Society
Mining woes in the Congo echo colonial blues
The Katanga region is a major deposit for rare-earth minerals that can supply Global North’s needs to manufacture EV batteries. However, there’s a raging conflict in the region that sees human depravity reaching an extreme. And the Global North’s partly to blame for it.
Did you know that the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) houses more than half of the world’s cobalt reserves? It’s one of the major supplier of cobalt to the global market. The cobalt production there comprises 70% of the worldwide cobalt production in 2021. These facts were according to the 2022 report by the National Minerals Information Centre of the US’ Geological Survey.
The DRC is also one of the main global providers of raw materials to the electric vehicle industry. These include battery electric vehicles (BEVs) and plug-in hybrid electric vehicles (PHEVs), which are mainly produced by China, Europe, and the United States. This is an industry that a McKinsey report indicated the demand for lithium-ion batteries (also ubiquitous in smartphones), would go up to 32% annually between 2015 and 2030.
However, the political stability in the DRC can’t be any dire than ever before. Internal strife in North Kivu is violent, as various militant factions and the DRC military themselves terrorize local mine workers into accepting the most unacceptable terms. They occupy streets and force people into working at mines if they can’t bribe their way out.
Piasecki Poulsen’s 2010 film “Blood in The Mobile” documented the life of mine workers at the Bise tin mining site under DRC military control.
In the film, Poulsen describes the mining site had “improvised mine shafts” that could cause “the mountain to collapse at any moment”. The low safety standards quite often led to fatal accidents in these artisanal mines. Amdist these appalling circumstances, some 15,000 to 20,000 people, including children, worked in Bisie. However, they’re effectively trapped there providing slave labour, as they can’t afford to pay the military for their own escape.

Children working hard at a mining site in Congo. Credit: Jclaboh / Wikimedia
The film documented the DRC military generating as much as $300,000 to $600,000 per month back then.
As this tragedy plays out, the DRC government and the military operate with impunity.
Amnesty International’s 2016 reported on these appalling labour conditions, inexcusable child labour, health hazards and physical abuse people were subjected to.
However, there are ways to stop this systemic abuse, if other stakeholders evolved in these battery manufacturing do their bit.
Colonial blues
The foreign mining companies are all from the Global North – namely the US, UK, Germany, South Korea, China and Japan. They were all in need of some serious self-reflection.
At least for the West, this holds true now as much as it did back then when they colonized the Congo region in the late 19th century.
Then, King Msiri of the Yeke Kingdom, had access to vast natural resources over the Katanga region he ruled. And this attracted European merchants who arrived there.
Belgium’s King Leopold II initiated plans to consolidate territory in central Africa soon after, through funding European ‘expeditions’ into Africa.
In 1884, Leopold II unilaterally established the Congo Free State (CFS). What happened next though, was harrowing. Leopold II had King Msiri and his son assassinated. Resistance fighters had their hands cut off. Indigenous people were to engage in slave labour until their deaths. As the colonial era was now underway, local chieftains then had to send for manpower from villages, to build infrastructure to mine the natural resources.
The Belgians dominated human and natural resources in Congo, and its legacy has remained until recently.
The colonial exploitation in CFS was supported by the economic interests of private companies as well. King Leopold II gave concessions to private companies in which he was involved as a stakeholder. When the innovation of pneumatic tyres triggered the rubber boom in Europe around 1900, Dunlop Rubber supported King Leopold II and successfully attained the vast amount of rubber supply from him.
Neo-colonialism
The natural resources in Congo were still amid the global and local interests after its independence as the DRC. The assassination of Patrice Lumumba in 1960, the first prime minister of the DRC and independence leader, exposes US’, Belgium’s and Britain’s interests to secure natural resources even post-independence. The West never quite left the Katanga region for what it’s worth.

Patrice Lumumba in Brussels (1960). Credit: Herbert Behrens (ANEFO)
Belgium attempted the secession of Katanga, a region with an enormous amount of copper, cobalt and radium reserves. Union Miniere, a Belgian mining enterprise, provided for acid then used by Belgian agents to dispose of Lumumba’s corpse.
In the aftermath, the Belgians and the US’ propped up Joseph-Desire Mobutu as leader in a coup d’etat.
Thereafter, the local chieftains and plantation owners oversaw forced labour in plantations under the Mobutu regime.
The colonial era, never really quite subsided in the Congo region. It’s neo-colonialism in a way – for the ordinary people there, the subjugation merely changed powers. The rot in the system stems from far deep, not within the DRC so much as the Western powers which shaped the political situation and geography there. Crisis could be manufactured, if they wanted.
Although today, they won’t have to pay for the colonial baggage, they surely are held responsible if even accusations of slave labour were made. The conflict in North Kivu wouldn’t end anytime soon. But foreign mining companies have a responsibility to ensure that their supply of raw materials aren’t dependent on slave labour at the least.
Taking responsibility
In 2021, the German automobile manufacturing giant, Volkswagen released a report on their internal investigation to ensure their supply chains weren’t in any way dependent on child labour or acts of human slavery.

Credit: Simon Cadula / Unsplash
Volkswagen works in sustainable initiatives such as Responsible Source Initiatives, and the Global Battery Alliance. The 2021 detailed report informs an overview of Volkswagen’s efforts towards mitigating specific risks of raw materials.
Volkswagen conducted audits of 25 suppliers in 2021 and took a lot of measures: safety training and signs, updates on vehicle and machinery maintenance, improvements on waste assessment and management, among others.
As well-meaning as they maybe, none of this can protect mine workers, who’s at the base of a power hierarchy where the foreign manufacturers are at the top. And the trapping’s in the hierarchy.
The mining companies can have these workers precariously removed from the supply chain if they want to.
One example is when mining companies to replace artisanal miners with flexible workforces in the DRC, which made artisanal miners more vulnerable to the volatility of cobalt price and reputational damage.
Since cobalt was discovered in the copper slags centuries ago, Congo soon became the major cobalt supplier to the US and the UK during World War II supported by the sharp increase in demand for weaponry. After WWII, Congo (later the DRC and Zaire) was to be involved in Cold War, having their leadership toppled by the Western Bloc, as they and then the Eastern Bloc interfered with the domestic affairs, just like during the colonial era.
Amidst all these geopolitics playing out, it’s the common people who’re paying a price with their well-being. And it’s time the world pays more attention to this.
Technology
From Tehran Rooftops To Orbit: How Elon Musk Is Reshaping Who Controls The Internet
How Starlink turned the sky into a battleground for digital power — and why one private network now challenges the sovereignty of states
On a rooftop in northern Tehran, long after midnight, a young engineering student adjusts a flat white dish toward the sky. The city around him is digitally dark—mobile data throttled, social media blocked, foreign websites unreachable. Yet inside his apartment, a laptop screen glows with Telegram messages, BBC livestreams, and uncensored access to the outside world.
Scenes like this have appeared repeatedly in footage from Iran’s unrest broadcast by international news channels.
But there’s a catch. The connection does not travel through Iranian cables or telecom towers. It comes from space.
Above him, hundreds of kilometres overhead, a small cluster of satellites belonging to Elon Musk’s Starlink network relays his data through the vacuum of orbit, bypassing the state entirely.
For governments built on control of information, this is no longer a technical inconvenience. It is a political nightmare. The image is quietly extraordinary. Not because of the technology — that story is already familiar — but because of what it represents: a private satellite network, owned by a US billionaire, now functioning as a parallel communications system inside a sovereign state that has deliberately tried to shut its citizens offline.
The Rise of an Unstoppable Network
Starlink, operated by Musk’s aerospace company SpaceX, has quietly become the most ambitious communications infrastructure ever built by a private individual.
As of late 2025, more than 9,000 Starlink satellites orbit Earth in low Earth orbit (LEO) (SpaceX / industry trackers, 2025). According to a report in Business Insider, the network serves over 9 million active users globally, and Starlink now operates in more than 155 countries and territories (Starlink coverage data, 2025).
It is the largest satellite constellation in human history, dwarfing every government system combined.
This is not merely a technology story. It is a power story.
Unlike traditional internet infrastructure — fibre cables, mobile towers, undersea routes — Starlink’s backbone exists in space. It does not cross borders. It does not require landing rights in the conventional sense. And, increasingly, it does not ask permission.
Iran: When the Sky Replaced the State
During successive waves of anti-government protests in Iran, authorities imposed sweeping internet shutdowns: mobile networks crippled, platforms blocked, bandwidth throttled to near zero. These tactics, used repeatedly since 2019, were designed to isolate protesters from each other and from the outside world.
They did not fully anticipate space-based internet.
By late 2024 and 2025, Starlink terminals had begun appearing clandestinely across Iranian cities, smuggled through borders or carried in by diaspora networks. Possession is illegal. Penalties are severe. Yet the demand has grown.
Because the network operates without local infrastructure, users can communicate with foreign media, upload protest footage in real time, coordinate securely beyond state surveillance, and maintain access even during nationwide blackouts.
The numbers are necessarily imprecise, but multiple independent estimates provide a sense of scale. Analysts at BNE IntelliNews estimated over 30,000 active Starlink users inside Iran by 2025.
Iranian activist networks suggest the number of physical terminals may be between 50,000 and 100,000, many shared across neighbourhoods. Earlier acknowledgements from Elon Musk confirmed that SpaceX had activated service coverage over Iran despite the lack of formal licensing.
This is what alarms governments most: the state no longer controls the kill switch.

Ukraine: When One Man Could Switch It Off
The power — and danger — of this new infrastructure became even clearer in Ukraine.
After Russia’s 2022 invasion, Starlink terminals were shipped in by the thousands to keep Ukrainian communications alive. Hospitals, emergency services, journalists, and frontline military units all relied on it. For a time, Starlink was celebrated as a technological shield for democracy.
Then came the uncomfortable reality.
Investigative reporting later revealed that Elon Musk personally intervened in decisions about where Starlink would and would not operate. In at least one documented case, coverage was restricted near Crimea, reportedly to prevent Ukrainian drone operations against Russian naval assets.
The implications were stark: A private individual, accountable to no electorate, had the power to influence the operational battlefield of a sovereign war. Governments noticed.

Digital Sovereignty in the Age of Orbit
For decades, states have understood sovereignty to include control of national telecom infrastructure, regulation of internet providers, the legal authority to impose shutdowns, the power to filter, censor, and surveil.
Starlink disrupts all of it.
Because, the satellites are in space, outside national jurisdiction. Access can be activated remotely by SpaceX, and the terminals can be smuggled like USB devices. Traffic can bypass domestic data laws entirely.
In effect, Starlink represents a parallel internet — one that states cannot fully regulate, inspect, or disable without extraordinary countermeasures such as satellite jamming or physical raids.
Authoritarian regimes view this as foreign interference. Democratic governments increasingly see it as a strategic vulnerability. Either way, the monopoly problem is the same: A single corporate network, controlled by one individual, increasingly functions as critical global infrastructure.
How the Technology Actually Works
The power of Starlink lies in its architecture. Traditional internet depends on fibre-optic cables across cities and oceans, local internet exchanges, mobile towers and ground stations, and centralised chokepoints.
Starlink bypasses most of this. Instead, it uses thousands of LEO satellites orbiting at ~550 km altitude, user terminals (“dishes”) that automatically track satellites overhead, inter-satellite laser links, allowing data to travel from satellite to satellite in space, and a limited number of ground gateways connecting the system to the wider internet.
This design creates resilience: No single tower to shut down, no local ISP to regulate, and no fibre line to cut.
For protesters, journalists, and dissidents, this is transformative. For governments, it is destabilising.
A Private Citizen vs the Rules of the Internet
The global internet was built around multistakeholder governance: National regulators, international bodies like the ITU, treaties governing spectrum use, and complex norms around cross-border infrastructure.
Starlink bypasses much of this through sheer technical dominance, and it has become a company that: owns the rockets, owns the satellites, owns the terminals, controls activation, controls pricing, controls coverage zones… effectively controls a layer of global communication.
This is why policymakers now speak openly of “digital sovereignty at risk”. It is no longer only China’s Great Firewall or Iran’s censorship model under scrutiny. It is the idea that global connectivity itself might be increasingly privatised, personalised, and politically unpredictable.

The Unanswered Question
Starlink undeniably delivers real benefits, it offers connectivity in disaster zones, internet access in rural Africa, emergency communications in war, educational access where infrastructure never existed.
But it also raises an uncomfortable, unresolved question: Should any individual — however visionary, however innovative — hold this much power over who gets access to the global flow of information?
Today, a protester in Tehran can speak to the world because Elon Musk chooses to allow it.
Tomorrow, that access could disappear just as easily — with a policy change, a commercial decision, or a geopolitical calculation.The sky has become infrastructure. Infrastructure has become power. And power, increasingly, belongs not to states — but to a handful of corporations.
There is another layer to this power calculus — and it is economic. While Starlink has been quietly enabled over countries such as Iran without formal approval, China remains a conspicuous exception. The reason is less technical than commercial. Elon Musk’s wider business empire, particularly Tesla, is deeply entangled with China’s economy. Shanghai hosts Tesla’s largest manufacturing facility in the world, responsible for more than half of the company’s global vehicle output, and Chinese consumers form one of Tesla’s most critical markets.
Chinese authorities, in turn, have made clear their hostility to uncontrolled foreign satellite internet, viewing it as a threat to state censorship and information control. Beijing has banned Starlink terminals, restricted their military use, and invested heavily in its own rival satellite constellation. For Musk, activating Starlink over China would almost certainly provoke regulatory retaliation that could jeopardise Tesla’s operations, supply chains, and market access. The result is an uncomfortable contradiction: the same technology framed as a tool of freedom in Iran or Ukraine is conspicuously absent over China — a reminder that even a supposedly borderless internet still bends to the gravitational pull of corporate interests and geopolitical power.
Climate
Ancient lake sediments suggest India’s monsoon was far stronger during medieval warm period
New palaeoclimate evidence from central India suggests that the Indian Summer Monsoon was significantly stronger during the medieval warm period than previously believed
India’s monsoon history may be more intense than previously assumed, according to new palaeoclimate evidence recovered from lake sediments in central India. Scientists analysing microscopic pollen preserved in Raja Rani Lake, in present-day Korba district of Chhattisgarh, have found signs of unusually strong and sustained Indian Summer Monsoon rainfall between about 1,060 and 1,725 CE.
The findings come from researchers at the Birbal Sahni Institute of Palaeosciences (BSIP), an autonomous institute under the Department of Science and Technology, and are based on a detailed reconstruction of vegetation and climate in India’s Core Monsoon Zone (CMZ)—the region that receives nearly 90 percent of the country’s annual rainfall from the Indian Summer Monsoon.
Reading climate history from pollen
Researchers extracted a 40-centimetre-long sediment core from Raja Rani Lake. These layers of mud record environmental changes spanning roughly the last 2,500 years. Embedded within them are fossil pollen grains released by plants that once grew around the lake.
By identifying and counting these grains—a method known as palynology—the team reconstructed past vegetation patterns and inferred climate conditions. Forest species that thrive in warm, humid environments point to periods of strong rainfall, while grasses and herbs are indicators of relatively drier phases.
According to the scientists, the pollen record from the medieval period shows a clear dominance of moist and dry tropical deciduous forest taxa. This points to a persistently warm and humid climate in central India, driven by a strong monsoon system, with no evidence of prolonged dry spells within the CMZ during that time.
Medieval Climate Anomaly linked to stronger monsoon
The period of intensified rainfall coincides with the Medieval Climate Anomaly (MCA), a globally recognised warm phase dated to roughly 1,060–1,725 CE. The study suggests that the strengthened Indian Summer Monsoon during this interval was shaped by a combination of global and regional drivers.
In a media statement, the researchers noted that La Niña–like conditions—typically associated with stronger Indian monsoons—may have prevailed during the MCA. Other contributing factors likely included a northward shift of the Inter Tropical Convergence Zone, positive temperature anomalies, higher sunspot numbers and increased solar activity.
Why this matters today
The Core Monsoon Zone is particularly sensitive to fluctuations in the Indian Summer Monsoon, making it a key region for understanding long-term hydroclimatic variability during the Late Holocene (also known as the Meghalayan Age). Scientists say insights from this period are crucial for contextualising present-day monsoon behaviour under ongoing climate change.
The BSIP team said high-resolution palaeoclimate records such as these can strengthen climate models used to simulate future rainfall patterns. Beyond academic interest, the findings have implications for water management, agriculture and climate-resilient policy planning in monsoon-dependent regions.
By revealing that central India once experienced a more intense and sustained monsoon than previously recognised, the study adds a deeper historical perspective to debates on how the Indian monsoon may respond to current and future warming.
Society
Reliance to build India’s largest AI-ready data centre, positions Gujarat as global AI hub
As part of making Gujarat India’s artificial intelligence pioneer, in Jamnagar we are building India’s largest AI-ready data centre: Mukesh Ambani
Reliance Industries Limited, India’s largest business group, has announced plans to build the country’s largest artificial intelligence–ready data centre in Jamnagar, a coastal industrial city in the western Indian state of Gujarat, as part of a broader push to expand access to AI technologies at population scale.
The announcement was made by Mukesh Ambani, chairman and managing director of Reliance Industries, during the Vibrant Gujarat Regional Conference for the Kutch and Saurashtra region, a government-led investment and development forum focused on regional economic growth.
Ambani said the Jamnagar facility is being developed with a single objective: “Affordable AI for every Indian.” He positioned the project as a foundational investment in India’s digital infrastructure, aimed at enabling large-scale adoption of artificial intelligence across sectors including industry, services, education and public administration.
“As part of making Gujarat India’s artificial intelligence pioneer, in Jamnagar we are building India’s largest AI-ready data centre,” Ambani said, adding that the facility is intended to support widespread access to AI tools for individuals, enterprises and institutions.
Reliance also announced that its digital arm, Jio, will launch a “people-first intelligence platform,” designed to deliver AI services in multiple languages and across consumer devices. According to Ambani, the platform is being built in India for both domestic and international users, with a focus on everyday productivity and digital inclusion.
The AI initiative forms part of Reliance’s broader commitment to invest approximately Rs 7 trillion (about USD 85 billion) in Gujarat over the next five years. The company said the investments are expected to generate large-scale employment while positioning the region as a hub for emerging technologies.
The Jamnagar AI data centre is being developed alongside what Reliance describes as the world’s largest integrated clean energy manufacturing ecosystem, encompassing solar power, battery storage, green hydrogen and advanced materials. Ambani said the city, historically known as a major hub for oil refining and petrochemicals, is being re-engineered as a centre for next-generation energy and digital technologies.
The announcements were made in the presence of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Gujarat Chief Minister Bhupendra Patel, underscoring the alignment between public policy and private investment in India’s long-term technology and infrastructure strategy.
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