The Katanga region is a major deposit for rare-earth minerals that can supply Global North’s needs to manufacture EV batteries. However, there’s a raging conflict in the region that sees human depravity reaching an extreme. And the Global North’s partly to blame for it.
Did you know that the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) houses more than half of the world’s cobalt reserves? It’s one of the major supplier of cobalt to the global market. The cobalt production there comprises 70% of the worldwide cobalt production in 2021. These facts were according to the 2022 report by the National Minerals Information Centre of the US’ Geological Survey.
The DRC is also one of the main global providers of raw materials to the electric vehicle industry. These include battery electric vehicles (BEVs) and plug-in hybrid electric vehicles (PHEVs), which are mainly produced by China, Europe, and the United States. This is an industry that a McKinsey report indicated the demand for lithium-ion batteries (also ubiquitous in smartphones), would go up to 32% annually between 2015 and 2030.
However, the political stability in the DRC can’t be any dire than ever before. Internal strife in North Kivu is violent, as various militant factions and the DRC military themselves terrorize local mine workers into accepting the most unacceptable terms. They occupy streets and force people into working at mines if they can’t bribe their way out.
Piasecki Poulsen’s 2010 film “Blood in The Mobile” documented the life of mine workers at the Bise tin mining site under DRC military control.
In the film, Poulsen describes the mining site had “improvised mine shafts” that could cause “the mountain to collapse at any moment”. The low safety standards quite often led to fatal accidents in these artisanal mines. Amdist these appalling circumstances, some 15,000 to 20,000 people, including children, worked in Bisie. However, they’re effectively trapped there providing slave labour, as they can’t afford to pay the military for their own escape.
The film documented the DRC military generating as much as $300,000 to $600,000 per month back then.
As this tragedy plays out, the DRC government and the military operate with impunity.
Amnesty International’s 2016 reported on these appalling labour conditions, inexcusable child labour, health hazards and physical abuse people were subjected to.
However, there are ways to stop this systemic abuse, if other stakeholders evolved in these battery manufacturing do their bit.
Colonial blues
The foreign mining companies are all from the Global North – namely the US, UK, Germany, South Korea, China and Japan. They were all in need of some serious self-reflection.
At least for the West, this holds true now as much as it did back then when they colonized the Congo region in the late 19th century.
Then, King Msiri of the Yeke Kingdom, had access to vast natural resources over the Katanga region he ruled. And this attracted European merchants who arrived there.
Belgium’s King Leopold II initiated plans to consolidate territory in central Africa soon after, through funding European ‘expeditions’ into Africa.
In 1884, Leopold II unilaterally established the Congo Free State (CFS). What happened next though, was harrowing. Leopold II had King Msiri and his son assassinated. Resistance fighters had their hands cut off. Indigenous people were to engage in slave labour until their deaths. As the colonial era was now underway, local chieftains then had to send for manpower from villages, to build infrastructure to mine the natural resources.
The Belgians dominated human and natural resources in Congo, and its legacy has remained until recently.
The colonial exploitation in CFS was supported by the economic interests of private companies as well. King Leopold II gave concessions to private companies in which he was involved as a stakeholder. When the innovation of pneumatic tyres triggered the rubber boom in Europe around 1900, Dunlop Rubber supported King Leopold II and successfully attained the vast amount of rubber supply from him.
Neo-colonialism
The natural resources in Congo were still amid the global and local interests after its independence as the DRC. The assassination of Patrice Lumumba in 1960, the first prime minister of the DRC and independence leader, exposes US’, Belgium’s andBritain’s interests to secure natural resources even post-independence. The West never quite left the Katanga region for what it’s worth.
Belgium attempted the secession of Katanga, a region with an enormous amount of copper, cobalt and radium reserves. Union Miniere, a Belgian mining enterprise, provided for acid then used by Belgian agents to dispose of Lumumba’s corpse.
In the aftermath, the Belgians and the US’ propped up Joseph-Desire Mobutu as leader in a coup d’etat.
Thereafter, the local chieftains and plantation owners oversaw forced labour in plantations under the Mobutu regime.
The colonial era, never really quite subsided in the Congo region. It’s neo-colonialism in a way – for the ordinary people there, the subjugation merely changed powers. The rot in the system stems from far deep, not within the DRC so much as the Western powers which shaped the political situation and geography there. Crisis could be manufactured, if they wanted.
Although today, they won’t have to pay for the colonial baggage, they surely are held responsible if even accusations of slave labour were made. The conflict in North Kivu wouldn’t end anytime soon. But foreign mining companies have a responsibility to ensure that their supply of raw materials aren’t dependent on slave labour at the least.
Taking responsibility
In 2021, the German automobile manufacturing giant, Volkswagen released a report on their internal investigation to ensure their supply chains weren’t in any way dependent on child labour or acts of human slavery.
Volkswagen works in sustainable initiatives such as Responsible Source Initiatives, and the Global Battery Alliance. The 2021 detailed report informs an overview of Volkswagen’s efforts towards mitigating specific risks of raw materials.
Volkswagen conducted audits of 25 suppliers in 2021 and took a lot of measures: safety training and signs, updates on vehicle and machinery maintenance, improvements on waste assessment and management, among others.
As well-meaning as they maybe, none of this can protect mine workers, who’s at the base of a power hierarchy where the foreign manufacturers are at the top. And the trapping’s in the hierarchy.
The mining companies can have these workers precariously removed from the supply chain if they want to.
One example is when mining companies to replace artisanal miners with flexible workforces in the DRC, which made artisanal miners more vulnerable to the volatility of cobalt price and reputational damage.
Since cobalt was discovered in the copper slags centuries ago, Congo soon became the major cobalt supplier to the US and the UK during World War II supported by the sharp increase in demand for weaponry. After WWII, Congo (later the DRC and Zaire) was to be involved in Cold War, having their leadership toppled by the Western Bloc, as they and then the Eastern Bloc interfered with the domestic affairs, just like during the colonial era.
Amidst all these geopolitics playing out, it’s the common people who’re paying a price with their well-being. And it’s time the world pays more attention to this.
Yasuharu is a management consultant with a keen interest in the relationship between technologies and society. He has pursued how we can make stakeholders held responsible for their technologies throughout business and academic career. He received MSc in Science and Technology Studies with Distinction from University College London. His thesis focused on the power relationship surrounding genome-edited aquaculture in Japan.
Between Lectures and Lyrics: Kabeer Is Building a Malayalam Hip-Hop Career One Self-Taught Skill at a Time
A Kerala-born student in Milton Keynes is writing, producing and releasing his own Malayalam hip-hop and R&B music — one late night and one self-taught skill at a time.
Kabeer is building an independent music career, combining Malayalam storytelling with contemporary hip-hop and R&B. (Photo: Special Arrangement)
Between lectures and coursework in Milton Keynes, Amjad Kabeer spends his free hours doing something far removed from campus life: writing, producing and releasing his own music. Known professionally as Kabeer, the Kerala-born student has spent the past few years building an independent Malayalam hip-hop and R&B career almost entirely on his own terms — one lyric, one beat and one late night at a time.
Two cultures, one sound
For Kabeer, moving from Kerala to the United Kingdom as a student was less an ending to his old life than the start of a search for how to carry it with him. Adjusting to a new country, a new academic routine and a new set of responsibilities was not easy, Kabeer says, but the experience also sharpened his sense of where he came from. Living between two cultures, he says, gave him a different way of thinking about belonging, ambition and personal growth — themes that now run through almost everything he writes.
Rather than treating his Malayalam identity as something to set aside once he moved abroad, Kabeer has placed it at the centre of his music. Language, according to Kabeer, is one of the clearest markers of who a person is, and moving to another country should not mean leaving that part of oneself behind. That conviction shows up directly in his sound: Malayalam lyrics and storytelling set against a contemporary hip-hop and R&B backdrop, built, he says, in the hope that Malayalam music can reach listeners well beyond Kerala or the wider Malayalam-speaking world.
Learning to produce from scratch
The turning point in his development as a producer, Kabeer says, came out of a limitation rather than an opportunity. Professional studio production was out of reach on a student budget, so he decided to learn it himself. Through online tutorials and, by his own account, a great deal of trial and error, he taught himself to produce his own records from scratch. It was a frustrating process, he admits, but it also left him with something he now considers essential to his identity as an artist: creative control over his own work, from a song’s first idea through to its final mix.
“My style is a blend of Malayalam hip-hop, R&B and melodic rap, usually set against atmospheric, moody production”
That control, Kabeer explains, is the real meaning behind his independence — not working alone for its own sake, but being able to turn his own experiences into music without compromising on how they sound. He says he still values collaboration, but being able to carry a track through every stage himself remains central to how he sees himself as an artist.
Six singles, no label
Musically, Kabeer describes his style as a blend of Malayalam hip-hop, R&B and melodic rap, usually set against atmospheric, moody production. His songs return often to self-discovery, relationships, ambition, resilience and the emotional weight of chasing a dream far from home — subjects that, for an artist juggling a degree and a music career at the same time, are not exactly hypothetical. He has released six singles and two music videos so far, entirely through his own resources. Among them, he points to “Clueless” as the one that means the most to him, calling it a marker of how far he has come as both a songwriter and a producer.
Running a music career without a label or management team has not been simple to combine with student life. Kabeer is responsible for every part of the process himself — writing, recording, producing, filming videos, promotion and covering the costs of releasing music — on top of coursework and the everyday demands of living in another country. He describes each release as a chance to grow rather than a burden, for all the pressure involved.
Image credit: By special arrangement.
That effort has started to draw outside attention. Kabeer says his music has had airplay on Amazing Radio UK, and his story has been covered by media outlets. For an independent artist working without institutional backing, Kabeer says, that kind of recognition is encouragement to keep going rather than an endpoint in itself.
Representation, one release at a time
Kabeer’s ambitions go beyond individual releases. He wants to help build greater visibility for Malayalam hip-hop within the UK’s wider music scene, and to create more of a creative connection between Kerala and the broader South Asian diaspora. Representation matters to him in particular: growing up, he says, he rarely saw Malayalam hip-hop represented on an international stage, and he hopes his own path encourages other young people from South Asian backgrounds to pursue their creative interests without feeling they have to give up their cultural identity to do it.
Looking ahead, Kabeer plans to keep releasing original music, explore collaborations and look for more opportunities to perform live, with the longer-term goal of building an artistic identity that draws equally on his life in Kerala and in the UK. For a student still early in both his degree and his music career, he puts it simply: the goal was never just to make music while living abroad, but to make something that carries where he is from into whoever he is still becoming.
Is India paying more than it thinks for chemical farming?
India’s fertiliser subsidy system carries fiscal, environmental and energy costs beyond the price farmers pay. A new Climate Trends study examines the case for balanced nutrient use, organic alternatives and a gradual transition to low-input farming.
A farmer sprays agricultural chemicals in a paddy field, illustrating the use of external inputs in rice cultivation. Representational image. Image credit: masudar rahman/ Pexels
For a paddy farmer in Kuttanad, the amount of fertiliser needed is different from that recommended for other parts of Kerala. The Kerala Agricultural University recommends 90 kg of nitrogen, 45 kg of phosphorus and 15 kg of potassium per hectare for medium-duration, high-yielding rice varieties in Kuttanad. However, this recommendation applies only under certain conditions. The soil should have medium to high potassium levels, rice straw should be mixed back into the soil, and tidal water should supply some nutrients to the field. If soil tests show low potassium levels, the fertiliser requirement changes.
This is because fertiliser needs depend on several factors, including soil type, water movement, rice variety and how crop residues are managed. If farmers apply more fertiliser than their crops need, cultivation costs can rise. The unused nutrients may also enter nearby water bodies and cause pollution. Fertiliser prices in India are heavily subsidised by the government. In 2024–25, the Centre spent 1.77 lakh crore rupees on fertiliser subsidies. This support keeps fertilisers affordable for farmers, but the cost to the public is rarely included when calculating how profitable farming really is.
A study by Climate Trends, titled The Economics of Cultivation, looks at what happens wchen these government subsidies and the environmental costs of fertiliser use are included in the economics of farming. The study suggests that the actual returns from farming that relies heavily on chemical fertilisers may be considerably lower than they appear when these costs are left out.
What does a Hectare of Wheat Really Earn?
Farmers calculate their profit by private net returns, the money a farmer has left after paying for production. But there is another way called the social net return. This includes the government’s spending on fertiliser subsidies and the greenhouse gas emissions produced during fertiliser manufacturing and use. These costs do not appear in a farmer’s accounts, but are borne by taxpayers and the environment.
Across five wheat cultivation cases examined in the study, the social return was estimated to be 36% to 182% lower than the private return, with an average difference of around 90%. In two cases, the return turned negative after these additional costs were included. Punjab’s wheat cultivation in 2019–20 shows how large this gap can be. The study estimates that farmers earned a net return of 31,901 rupees per hectare after deducting cultivation expenses. However, when an additional 11,554 rupees per hectare in fertiliser subsidy costs and greenhouse gas emissions was accounted for, the return fell to 20,347 rupees per hectare.
The study also estimates that Punjab’s fertiliser-related fiscal cost in 2022–23 was 14,072 rupees per hectare. This was nearly four times the all-India figure of 3,630 rupees per hectare in 2021–22. While the farmers continue to benefit from subsidised fertiliser prices, which reduce their cultivation expenses, the additional costs that are shifted to taxpayers and the environment.
India’s chemical fertiliser nutrient use rose from 0.2 million tonnes in 1960–61 to 30.64 million tonnes in 2023–24, reflecting the country’s growing dependence on synthetic fertilisers. Source: Climate Trends
Pricing Policy Influencing Nutrient Choices
India’s fertiliser subsidy policy also influences nutrient use. Introduced in 2010, the Nutrient Based Subsidy (NBS) scheme links subsidies for phosphatic and potassic fertilisers to their nutrient content, while companies have greater freedom to set prices. Urea, which supplies nitrogen, remains under government price control.
This makes urea relatively cheaper and may encourage farmers to use more nitrogen-based fertiliser, even when crops need a different nutrient balance. As the study suggests nitrogen’s share of fertiliser consumption reached 69.9% in 2012–13. Its statistical analysis recorded a 4.42 percentage-point annual increase in the post-2010 trend. However, the analysis covers only four years after the reform and has no control group. It therefore cannot establish that the policy alone caused the increase.
The Indian Council of Agricultural Research recommends soil-test-based fertiliser application rather than a uniform nutrient ratio. Kerala’s lower nitrogen share does not necessarily mean fertiliser use is efficient across all its farms. In Kuttanad, for example, the recommended potassium dose depends on existing soil levels and whether rice straw is incorporated into the field.
Emissions and the Cost of Imported Inputs
Producing synthetic nitrogen fertilisers requires large amounts of energy, much of it from fossil fuels. Their use also releases nitrous oxide, a greenhouse gas that traps much more heat than carbon dioxide over 100 years. Climate Trends report finds the global synthetic nitrogen fertiliser supply chain produced an estimated 1.13 billion tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent emissions in 2018, accounting for about 2.1% of global greenhouse gas emissions. In India, fertiliser manufacturing alone produced an estimated 25 million tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent emissions in 2022–23.
India also depends heavily on imports for fertiliser production. It imports potash, several raw materials used in phosphate fertilisers, natural gas and ammonia. Disruptions to international trade routes and energy supplies can therefore affect both the cost and availability of these inputs. The disruption around the Strait of Hormuz is an example.
When international prices rise, the government may have to spend more to keep fertilisers affordable. Farmers, meanwhile, can face supply shortages and uncertainty over availability, even when retail prices are regulated. “We need to fundamentally rethink our approach to soil conservation, moving beyond engineering structures and short-term interventions towards the revival of ecosystems. Despite decades of investment, soil erosion continues to intensify, while the productivity of prime agricultural lands and ecosystems is declining.
Restoring soil health, conserving natural resources and strengthening ecological processes must be at the heart of our response. This also calls for promoting diversified cropping practices suited to local agroecological conditions, rather than perpetuating resource-intensive cropping patterns. Building climate-resilient agriculture requires us to address the root causes of soil degradation, strengthen local ecological solutions and restore the natural systems that help communities withstand droughts, floods and other climate stresses.”, said Dr. Basant Kumar Kandpal, Technical Expert (Agriculture and Horticulture), National Rainfed Area Authority (NRAA).
Can Farmers Move Away From Chemical Inputs?
For Kerala’s rice farmers, fertiliser requirements vary across fields. In Kuttanad, for instance, the recommended potassium dose depends on soil-test results and whether rice straw is returned to the field. Applying these recommendations requires accessible soil testing, regular agricultural extension support and affordable inputs.
“Excessive dependence on chemical fertilisers comes at a far greater cost to the nation than what is reflected in their market prices or subsidy allocations. Soil degradation, environmental damage, energy dependence and the growing fiscal burden are increasingly difficult to ignore. However, the transition to organic and natural farming cannot be left entirely to farmers. It requires sustained government support, investment in research and extension services, affordable alternatives and assured market linkages.”, said Dr Palak Balyan, Lead Author and Research Lead, Climate Trends.
The study calls for changes to fertiliser pricing and subsidy distribution. Its recommendations include pricing urea according to nutrient content, linking part of the subsidy to Soil Health Card advice and supporting farmers who shift to low-input cultivation. It estimates that transitioning one million hectares of transplanted rice to low-input farming could save Rs 1,155 crore annually.
The experiences of Andhra Pradesh and Sikkim show why the transition needs careful planning. Andhra Pradesh’s natural farming programme recorded more than twice the profits at broadly similar yields, while Sikkim faced yield losses amid inadequate farmer training and limited access to certified organic markets.
The challenge, therefore, is to reduce excessive fertiliser use without increasing farmers’ costs or putting yields at risk. The study argues for redirecting public support towards balanced nutrient use, farmer training and affordable alternatives, while accounting for the fiscal, energy and environmental costs of fertiliser-intensive agriculture.
Nearly 72% of Migrant Workers in South India Report Improved Living Standards, but Labour Protection Remains Weak
India’s migrant construction workers play a crucial role in the country’s urban development, yet many continue to face poor working conditions, inadequate social security, wage insecurity and limited access to essential services.
Construction workers at an ongoing building project. Migrant labourers form a significant part of India's construction workforce.Image credit:Pexels
Nearly 72 per cent of interstate migrant workers surveyed across Kerala, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu reported improved living standards after moving to the southern states. However, access to welfare benefits, healthcare and formal employment protections remains a major challenge, according to a new regional survey.
The findings are part of the South India Interstate Migration Survey (SIIMS) 2026, published by the International Institute of Migration and Development (IIMAD) in collaboration with the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM).
Based on a mixed-methods study of 1,824 migrant workers across 33 districts, the survey examines migration patterns, employment conditions, housing, healthcare, financial security and access to social protection. Data were collected between December 15, 2025, and March 31, 2026. The research covered agriculture, fisheries and daily-wage labour across the three states, alongside hospitality in Kerala, scrap collection in Karnataka and textile and garment work in Tamil Nadu.
The survey found that 71.8 per cent of respondents reported improved living standards after migration, while 56.9 per cent intended to continue working in their destination states. However, the findings also reveal a gap between improved livelihood opportunities and access to basic labour protections.
Employment insecurity and gaps in social protection
The absence of formal employment arrangements emerged as one of the major concerns. Around 86.4 per cent of surveyed workers did not have written employment contracts, while 57.6 per cent received their wages in cash. Only 12.8 per cent reported awareness of their labour rights or available support programmes.
The lack of written contracts can make it difficult for workers to establish employment terms, seek compensation for unpaid wages or pursue grievances. The survey also found that 15.6 per cent of respondents had experienced a workplace accident during the preceding year, while only one per cent had accident insurance.
Access to welfare benefits was similarly limited. Only 19.4 per cent of respondents reported easy access to welfare benefits after migration, while 45.3 per cent faced considerable difficulties. Another 35.3 per cent reported partial access. Healthcare access presented another concern, with 69.2 per cent reporting difficulties obtaining healthcare services.
These findings are supported by a separate study published in Frontiers in Human Dynamics on July 14, 2026. Researchers examined employment precarity and psychosocial well-being among 428 interstate migrant workers in Kerala.
Women migrant workers working in a grass field. Image credit:Pexels
The researchers noted that the relationship between employment insecurity and well-being remained significant even after examining factors such as social exclusion and individual coping mechanisms. However, because the study used a cross-sectional design, the findings establish associations rather than causation.
The financial inclusion findings also reveal a gap between access to banking and broader economic security. Although 88.2 per cent of surveyed workers had access to formal financial services, this did not necessarily translate into access to welfare benefits, insurance or secure employment.
Gender differences further shaped workers’ economic experiences. Women migrant workers earned approximately Rs 3,313 less per month than men, even after researchers accounted for other measured factors. The findings indicate that employment vulnerabilities are not distributed equally across the migrant workforce.
Migration governance requires coordination between states
The survey identified circular migration as an important feature of interstate labour mobility, with 82 per cent of respondents classified as circular migrants. Many workers move repeatedly between their home states and employment destinations, often relying on informal networks of friends and relatives to find work.
This movement creates challenges for welfare systems that remain organised around state-specific administrative structures. Workers may find it difficult to access benefits when their employment, residence and documentation are spread across different locations.
The report recommends stronger coordination between origin and destination states, improved portability of welfare benefits, multilingual assistance and more accessible healthcare services. It also calls for better labour inspections and stronger workplace protections, particularly in sectors where informal employment is widespread.
The findings raise questions about whether existing social protection mechanisms are adequately responding to the mobility of India’s workforce. While migration provides employment opportunities and improves living standards for many workers, the absence of reliable employment safeguards and accessible welfare services leaves significant gaps in their protection.
As southern states continue to depend on interstate labour across construction, agriculture, hospitality, manufacturing and other sectors, ensuring that workers can access their rights and benefits wherever they move will remain an important challenge for migration policy.