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Mining woes in the Congo echo colonial blues

The Katanga region is a major deposit for rare-earth minerals that can supply Global North’s needs to manufacture EV batteries. However, there’s a raging conflict in the region that sees human depravity reaching an extreme. And the Global North’s partly to blame for it.

Yasuharu Ohno

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Credit: Christopher Burns / Unsplash

Did you know that the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) houses more than half of the world’s cobalt reserves? It’s one of the major supplier of cobalt to the global market. The cobalt production there comprises 70% of the worldwide cobalt production in 2021. These facts were according to the 2022 report by the National Minerals Information Centre of the US’ Geological Survey.

The DRC is also one of the main global providers of raw materials to the electric vehicle industry. These include battery electric vehicles (BEVs) and plug-in hybrid electric vehicles (PHEVs), which are mainly produced by China, Europe, and the United States. This is an industry that a McKinsey report indicated the demand for lithium-ion batteries (also ubiquitous in smartphones), would go up to 32% annually between 2015 and 2030.

However, the political stability in the DRC can’t be any dire than ever before. Internal strife in North Kivu is violent, as various militant factions and the DRC military themselves terrorize local mine workers into accepting the most unacceptable terms. They occupy streets and force people into working at mines if they can’t bribe their way out.

Piasecki Poulsen’s 2010 film “Blood in The Mobile” documented the life of mine workers at the Bise tin mining site under DRC military control.

In the film, Poulsen describes the mining site had “improvised mine shafts” that could cause “the mountain to collapse at any moment”. The low safety standards quite often led to fatal accidents in these artisanal mines. Amdist these appalling circumstances, some 15,000 to 20,000 people, including children, worked in Bisie. However, they’re effectively trapped there providing slave labour, as they can’t afford to pay the military for their own escape.

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Children working hard at a mining site in Congo. Credit: Jclaboh / Wikimedia

The film documented the DRC military generating as much as $300,000 to $600,000 per month back then.

As this tragedy plays out, the DRC government and the military operate with impunity.

Amnesty International’s 2016 reported on these appalling labour conditions, inexcusable child labour, health hazards and physical abuse people were subjected to.

However, there are ways to stop this systemic abuse, if other stakeholders evolved in these battery manufacturing do their bit.

Colonial blues

The foreign mining companies are all from the Global North – namely the US, UK, Germany, South Korea, China and Japan. They were all in need of some serious self-reflection.

At least for the West, this holds true now as much as it did back then when they colonized the Congo region in the late 19th century.

Then, King Msiri of the Yeke Kingdom, had access to vast natural resources over the Katanga region he ruled. And this attracted European merchants who arrived there.

Belgium’s King Leopold II initiated plans to consolidate territory in central Africa soon after, through funding European ‘expeditions’ into Africa.

In 1884, Leopold II unilaterally established the Congo Free State (CFS). What happened next though, was harrowing. Leopold II had King Msiri and his son assassinated. Resistance fighters had their hands cut off. Indigenous people were to engage in slave labour until their deaths. As the colonial era was now underway, local chieftains then had to send for manpower from villages, to build infrastructure to mine the natural resources.  

The Belgians dominated human and natural resources in Congo, and its legacy has remained until recently. 

The colonial exploitation in CFS was supported by the economic interests of private companies as well. King Leopold II gave concessions to private companies in which he was involved as a stakeholder. When the innovation of pneumatic tyres triggered the rubber boom in Europe around 1900, Dunlop Rubber supported King Leopold II and successfully attained the vast amount of rubber supply from him.

Neo-colonialism

The natural resources in Congo were still amid the global and local interests after its independence as the DRC. The assassination of Patrice Lumumba in 1960, the first prime minister of the DRC and independence leader, exposes US’, Belgium’s and Britain’s interests to secure natural resources even post-independence. The West never quite left the Katanga region for what it’s worth.

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Patrice Lumumba in Brussels (1960). Credit: Herbert Behrens (ANEFO)

Belgium attempted the secession of Katanga, a region with an enormous amount of copper, cobalt and radium reserves. Union Miniere, a Belgian mining enterprise, provided for acid then used by Belgian agents to dispose of Lumumba’s corpse.  

In the aftermath, the Belgians and the US’ propped up Joseph-Desire Mobutu as leader in a coup d’etat.

Thereafter, the local chieftains and plantation owners oversaw forced labour in plantations under the Mobutu regime.

The colonial era, never really quite subsided in the Congo region. It’s neo-colonialism in a way – for the ordinary people there, the subjugation merely changed powers. The rot in the system stems from far deep, not within the DRC so much as the Western powers which shaped the political situation and geography there. Crisis could be manufactured, if they wanted.

Although today, they won’t have to pay for the colonial baggage, they surely are held responsible if even accusations of slave labour were made. The conflict in North Kivu wouldn’t end anytime soon. But foreign mining companies have a responsibility to ensure that their supply of raw materials aren’t dependent on slave labour at the least.  

Taking responsibility

In 2021, the German automobile manufacturing giant, Volkswagen released a report on their internal investigation to ensure their supply chains weren’t in any way dependent on child labour or acts of human slavery. 

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Credit: Simon Cadula / Unsplash

Volkswagen works in sustainable initiatives such as Responsible Source Initiatives, and the Global Battery Alliance. The 2021 detailed report informs an overview of Volkswagen’s efforts towards mitigating specific risks of raw materials.

Volkswagen conducted audits of 25 suppliers in 2021 and took a lot of measures: safety training and signs, updates on vehicle and machinery maintenance, improvements on waste assessment and management, among others.

As well-meaning as they maybe, none of this can protect mine workers, who’s at the base of a power hierarchy where the foreign manufacturers are at the top. And the trapping’s in the hierarchy.

The mining companies can have these workers precariously removed from the supply chain if they want to.

One example is when mining companies to replace artisanal miners with flexible workforces in the DRC, which made artisanal miners more vulnerable to the volatility of cobalt price and reputational damage.

Since cobalt was discovered in the copper slags centuries ago, Congo soon became the major cobalt supplier to the US and the UK during World War II supported by the sharp increase in demand for weaponry. After WWII, Congo (later the DRC and Zaire) was to be involved in Cold War, having their leadership toppled by the Western Bloc, as they and then the Eastern Bloc interfered with the domestic affairs, just like during the colonial era.

Amidst all these geopolitics playing out, it’s the common people who’re paying a price with their well-being. And it’s time the world pays more attention to this.  

Yasuharu is a management consultant with a keen interest in the relationship between technologies and society. He has pursued how we can make stakeholders held responsible for their technologies throughout business and academic career. He received MSc in Science and Technology Studies with Distinction from University College London. His thesis focused on the power relationship surrounding genome-edited aquaculture in Japan.

COP30

From 6% to 16%: The Philippines Shows the World How Fast Climate Budgets Can Shift

In just four years, the Philippines has expanded its climate spending from PHP 282 billion to over PHP 1 trillion — one of the fastest fiscal shifts anywhere in the world.

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Flooded Street with Jeepney in Malabon, Philippines. Image credit: Tear Cordez/Pexels

Governments across the world are beginning to rethink the way national budgets are designed, moving away from traditional fiscal planning and toward systems that integrate climate considerations directly into spending decisions. A new comparative review of global green-budgeting practices reveals a trend that is gathering momentum: more countries are using their budgets as climate-governance tools. But the pace of progress varies sharply between advanced economies and emerging markets.

The Rise of Climate-Conscious Budgets

Countries such as France, Ireland, Mexico and the Philippines provide some of the clearest examples of how climate priorities are reshaping national expenditure. France has increased its identified climate-positive budget from €38.1 billion in 2021 to €42.6 billion in 2025, while Ireland expanded its environmental allocations from €2 billion (2020) to €7 billion (2025). Mexico’s transformation has been even more rapid: climate-related expenditures rose from MXN 70 billion (2021) to MXN 466 billion (2025) — a six-fold increase.

A Sudden Surge in the Philippines

Nowhere is the shift more dramatic than the Philippines. After embedding climate budget tagging across its ministries, the country’s climate budget expanded from PHP 282 billion in 2021 to more than PHP 1 trillion in 2025, raising its share of the national budget from 6% to 16%. The reform forced ministries to assess thousands of programmes through a climate lens, resulting in a shift toward resilient infrastructure, sustainable energy, water security, and climate-smart industries.

Advanced Economies Move Beyond Tagging

While emerging economies are scaling up climate allocations, advanced economies are integrating climate metrics deeper into fiscal systems. Canada’s “climate lens” requires greenhouse-gas and resilience assessments for major infrastructure projects before funding is approved. Norway links its annual budget to its Climate Change Act and long-term low-emission strategies. Germany uses sustainability indicators to guide fiscal decisions, embedding climate considerations into macroeconomic planning.

These tools go beyond transparency. They force ministries to justify public spending not only in economic terms, but in climate terms — shifting budgets from accounting documents to steering instruments.

Despite this momentum, the analysis notes a persistent gap: many countries stop at tagging climate-related expenditures without linking them to outcomes or performance indicators. Tagging improves transparency, but on its own does not change investment decisions. Without climate-based appraisal and monitoring, high-emission infrastructure can still slip through national budgets unchallenged.

The Financing Challenge

For lower-income countries, the largest barriers are financial. High capital costs, limited fiscal room, and weaker public financial management systems restrict the scale of green budgeting reforms. Even when climate spending rises, sustaining these increases requires integrating climate metrics into medium-term fiscal frameworks — something only a handful of emerging economies have attempted.

Innovations Show What’s Possible

Some models offer a blueprint. Indonesia’s climate-tagging system feeds directly into its sovereign green sukuk framework, giving investors clear visibility over the use of proceeds. This loop — tagging, reporting, financing — demonstrates how governments can leverage green budgeting to unlock larger pools of private capital.

Still in Progress

The report concludes that the next frontier for green budgeting is integration: linking budget tagging, climate-lens project appraisal, performance-based reporting, and climate-aligned fiscal strategies. Done together, these tools allow budgets to become climate-governance instruments capable of guiding national transitions.

But the pace remains uneven. Some countries are racing ahead, while others are taking incremental steps. What is clear, however, is that climate-aligned public finance is no longer optional. As climate impacts intensify, the alignment of the world’s budgets will determine who adapts — and who is left behind.

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COP30

Corporate Capture: Fossil Fuel Lobbyists at COP30 Hit Record High, Outnumbering Delegates from Climate-Vulnerable Nations

COP30 sees over 1,600 fossil fuel lobbyists inside climate talks, surpassing delegations of climate-vulnerable nations. Experts warn of corporate capture.

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COP30 was billed as the “Implementation COP,” a summit where governments would finally convert years of climate promises into concrete action. Instead, the year’s most striking headline comes from the corridors, not the negotiation rooms: more than 1,600 fossil fuel lobbyists have entered the talks — the highest in the history of the UN climate process.

A new analysis by the Kick Big Polluters Out (KBPO) coalition reveals that one in every 25 participants in Belém is linked to the oil, gas, or coal industry. The number surpasses the total delegations of many climate-vulnerable nations and even outnumbers the combined negotiating teams of the 10 most climate-impacted countries.

For many observers, the surge represents not just a statistic but a symptom of a deeper structural crisis.

“It’s common sense that you cannot solve a problem by giving power to those who caused it,” said Jax Bonbon of IBON International in a statement. “Yet three decades and 30 COPs later, more than 1,500 fossil fuel lobbyists are roaming the climate talks as if they belong here.”

A Climate Summit Outnumbered by Industry

The analysis shows 599 industry-linked representatives entered COP30 through Party overflow badges — a route typically reserved for government delegates. This method bypasses new transparency rules that require non-government participants to disclose their affiliations.

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Illustration: S James/EdPublica

Several countries also included fossil fuel representatives directly within their official delegations. According to the report, France, Japan, and Norway brought senior industry figures, including those from TotalEnergies, Japan Petroleum Exploration, and Equinor.

“Until we Kick Big Polluters Out, we can expect the outcomes of COP30 — and every COP after — to be written by the world’s largest polluters,” said Pascoe Sabido of Corporate Europe Observatory. “It’s profit over people and the planet.”

The contrast between industry presence and the representation of climate-impacted nations is stark. The Philippines’ delegation is outnumbered by nearly 50 to 1. Jamaica sent fewer than 40 delegates — as it deals with the aftermath of Hurricane Melissa — while hundreds of industry lobbyists move freely inside the venue.

‘A Flood of Influence’

Civil society groups warn that the negotiations risk being shaped by the very actors accelerating the climate crisis.

“The COP is massively flooded with around 1,500 representatives of the fossil fuel industry — like a river bursting its banks and sweeping everything away,” said Susann Scherbarth of Friends of the Earth Germany.

The criticism echoes growing frustration among scientists and youth groups over the widening gap between climate science and political outcomes. Despite repeated warnings from the IPCC about the need for rapid fossil fuel phase-down, nearly $250 billion worth of new oil and gas projects have been approved since COP29.

Youth delegations expressed alarm that the negotiation space is becoming increasingly inaccessible to those most affected by the climate crisis.

“The UNFCCC is in need of rehabilitation,” said Pim Sullivan-Tailyour from the UK Youth Climate Coalition. “My generation deserves Just Transition policies shaped by what people and the planet need — not what polluters’ profits demand.”

Demands for Integrity and Accountability

Transparency and governance experts argue that the situation has reached a defining moment. “If COP30 is indeed the COP of truth, the Presidency and the UNFCCC Secretariat must strengthen participant disclosure rules,” said Brice Böhmer of Transparency International. “It is time to ensure integrity and restore trust.”

Civil society groups are urging governments to adopt formal conflict-of-interest rules, a step the UNFCCC has so far resisted. They argue that genuine climate progress requires insulating negotiations from actors whose core business models rely on continued fossil fuel extraction.

A Crossroads Moment for the UN Climate Process

COP30 was expected to accelerate global action toward limiting warming to 1.5°C. Instead, it has reopened a fundamental question: Can a climate summit deliver meaningful outcomes when the world’s largest polluters enjoy unprecedented access inside the process?

The KBPO coalition says the answer depends on whether the UNFCCC is willing to adopt structural reforms that prioritise vulnerable communities over powerful corporations.

As the talks continue in Belém, the tension between ambition and influence remains at the heart of COP30 — raising critical questions about transparency, accountability, and the future of global climate governance.

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Guterres to WMO: ‘No Country Is Safe Without Early Warnings’

At WMO’s 75th anniversary, UN Chief António Guterres warned that no nation is safe from extreme weather — urging governments to fast-track early warning systems by 2027.

Joe Jacob

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Image credit: UN/Evan Schneider

Declaring that “no country is safe from the devastating impacts of extreme weather,” UN Secretary-General António Guterres called for a global surge in early warning systems to protect lives, economies, and ecosystems from climate-fuelled disasters.​

Speaking at the 75th anniversary of the World Meteorological Organization (WMO), Guterres hailed the agency as “a barometer of truth” and “a shining example of science supporting humanity.” It was his first address to the WMO, reflecting the agency’s central role in turning climate science into life-saving action.

“Without your rigorous modelling and forecasting, we would not know what lies ahead — or how to prepare for it,” he told delegates gathered at WMO headquarters in Geneva.

The occasion doubled as the midway checkpoint for the Early Warnings for All (EW4All) initiative, launched by Guterres in 2022 to ensure every person on Earth is protected by life-saving warning systems by 2027.

WMO Secretary-General Celeste Saulo issued a “Call to Action,” urging all countries to close early warning gaps through expanded observation networks, strengthened hydrological services, and community-level outreach. “Every dollar invested in early warning saves up to fifteen in disaster losses,” she said.​

Saulo cautioned that despite major progress—108 countries now operate multi-hazard warning systems—the world’s poorest remain the least protected. Disaster mortality rates are six times higher in countries with limited early warning coverage.​

A 75-Year Legacy of Science for Action

Marking 75 years since it became a UN specialized agency, WMO used its Extraordinary Congress to reaffirm global cooperation in weather, water, and climate monitoring.​

President Abdulla al Mandous praised Guterres for embedding early warning systems into the international climate agenda: “Early warnings are now recognized at the highest levels as cost-effective, life-saving, and cross-cutting solutions that reduce risk and advance development,” he said.

Guterres urged three urgent priorities to achieve universal coverage: integrating early warnings across governance structures, boosting finance and debt relief for vulnerable nations, and aligning national climate plans to limit temperature rise to 1.5°C.

“Every life lost to disaster is one too many,” he said. “With science, solidarity, and political resolve, we can ensure a safer planet for all.”

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