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As Oppenheimer wins the Oscars, here is an epiphany

We can’t unmix science from politics. They’re intertwined.

Karthik Vinod

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J. Robert Oppenheimer in 1946. Credit: Ed Westcott (DOE Digital Archive Image)

Earlier today, Christopher Nolan’s much acclaimed film, Oppenheimer (2023), won 7 awards at the Oscars – including Best Picture, Actor, Supporting Actor, Score, Cinematography, Editing and Director.

And what better moment can there be to discuss threats and fears about the wildest creations of nuclear physics?

Oppenheimer made some seminal contributions in quantum mechanics and in black hole physics. He brought ‘quantum physics to the US’. However, Oppenheimer was also a public intellectual, who dabbled with left wing politics in his younger days. He rose to national prominence after he led Los Alamos National Laboratory as Director, in an effort that saw the US develop and wield nuclear weapons. He forever became known as the ‘father of the atom bomb’, a label that didn’t do anything to stop him spiraling into depression, as he saw his legacy tainted with death and destruction. 

Nolan’s movie was a biopic, based on authors Martin Sherwin and Kai Bird’s Pulitzer Prize winning biography, American Prometheus: The Triumph and Tragedy of J. Robert Oppenheimer.  

In a scene that shakes you to the core, Oppenheimer (played by Cilian Murphy) imagines seeing the horrific effects of a nuclear bombing on humans. A corpse flash fried, that crumbles upon the lightest touch. People mourning deaths of their loved ones, people vaporized leaving no traces behind. Others left alive with burns, and others vomiting irrecoverably from radiation sickness. Just imagine this is a time when people didn’t even really know what radiation sickness was all about. How many people would’ve dabbled with radioactivity? And now all it takes is one bomb to exact such a devastating toll on human life.

We wonder – who’s accountable for all this? The maker or the master? Or both?

Wikimedia castle bravo nuclear 1

Image of the nuclear detonation in US’ Castle Romeo test in 1954. Credit: United States Department of Energy

Oppenheimer lends an opportunity to assess scientists by holding them at the same pedestal as we do with politicians – especially when they’re prone to serious misjudgment. Oppenheimer thought the best way to demonstrate deterrence was to demonstrate the weapon’s capability. He assumed it wouldn’t proliferate, if they were demonstrated with an attack. ‘They (people) won’t fear it, unless they understand it, and they won’t understand it, until they’ve used it,’ as Cilian Murphy said in the movie. And they did use it. 

Did people fear it? Yes and no. On one end there’s the physical damage of it all. But on the other end there came the political chain reaction – with nuclear arsenal stockpiling to record highs during the Cold War. There are still enough nukes around the world to end human civilization many times over. 

It’s an age-old claim now, as old as the Trinity test itself that it was impossible to stop the nuclear bomb developments. Somebody else or the other would have made it. This is sadly true. However, when we think of science itself – as Isidor Rabbi in the movie (played by David Krumholtz) said, ‘I don’t wish the culmination of three centuries of physics to be a weapon of mass destruction.’ Is science really divorced from political realities? Sure, a nuclear chain reaction isn’t dependent on policy. Of course, but launching an initiative to trigger one surely is. Leo Szilard’s letter sent to US President Theodore Roosevelt, signed off by Albert Einstein, discussed the feasibility of the US wielding a nuclear weapon to deter the Germans. That’s as straightforward as it can get. 

It reflects policy change, when Nobel Peace Prize winner and nuclear physicist, Joseph Rotblat claimed General Leslie Groves (who oversaw the Manhattan Project) stating that it was the Soviets who the US seeked to intimidate with the Hiroshima and Nagasaki attacks. And when the Soviets surprised the US by revealing their own sophisticated nuclear program with a growing arsenal, the world locked up in a race for their own weapons. There was a total snafu.  

Although Nolan used Sherwin and Bird’s source material as the inspiration for Oppenheimer to be depicted as a Prometheus, he’s also undoubtedly similar to Frankenstein as well. 

Frankenstein died, but the monster lives on. What can we learn from all of this? Well, science and society are so intertwined that they both shape each other. The other is we may need to figure out who’s accountable for technological and scientific innovations. 

Innovation may not really be unstoppable, if there’s collective action and we decide for ourselves what the world ought to be. Perhaps nuclear holocaust isn’t fictional, but at least we can do something for innovations in our society today. 

“I have been interested to talk to some of the leading researchers in the AI field, and hear from them that they view this as their ‘Oppenheimer moment’,” said Nolan in an interview to The Guardian. AI can provide jobs as much as it takes away them, and that’s the challenge of our times. “And they’re clearly looking to his story for some kind of guidance … as a cautionary tale in terms of what it says about the responsibility of somebody who’s putting this technology to the world, and what their responsibilities would be in terms of unintended consequences.” 

We’d rather be wise and learn from history, than repeat it. May that lead to an era of responsible innovation.

Karthik Vinod is a science writer and journalist based in the US, with bylines in Eos, Mongabay, Columbia News Service, SpaceNews and The Hindu.

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Nearly 72% of Migrant Workers in South India Report Improved Living Standards, but Labour Protection Remains Weak

India’s migrant construction workers play a crucial role in the country’s urban development, yet many continue to face poor working conditions, inadequate social security, wage insecurity and limited access to essential services.

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Construction workers wearing safety helmets and carrying electrical cables at an unfinished building construction site in India.
Construction workers at an ongoing building project. Migrant labourers form a significant part of India's construction workforce.Image credit:Pexels

Nearly 72 per cent of interstate migrant workers surveyed across Kerala, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu reported improved living standards after moving to the southern states. However, access to welfare benefits, healthcare and formal employment protections remains a major challenge, according to a new regional survey.

The findings are part of the South India Interstate Migration Survey (SIIMS) 2026, published by the International Institute of Migration and Development (IIMAD) in collaboration with the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM).

Based on a mixed-methods study of 1,824 migrant workers across 33 districts, the survey examines migration patterns, employment conditions, housing, healthcare, financial security and access to social protection. Data were collected between December 15, 2025, and March 31, 2026. The research covered agriculture, fisheries and daily-wage labour across the three states, alongside hospitality in Kerala, scrap collection in Karnataka and textile and garment work in Tamil Nadu.

The survey found that 71.8 per cent of respondents reported improved living standards after migration, while 56.9 per cent intended to continue working in their destination states. However, the findings also reveal a gap between improved livelihood opportunities and access to basic labour protections.

Employment insecurity and gaps in social protection

The absence of formal employment arrangements emerged as one of the major concerns. Around 86.4 per cent of surveyed workers did not have written employment contracts, while 57.6 per cent received their wages in cash. Only 12.8 per cent reported awareness of their labour rights or available support programmes.

The lack of written contracts can make it difficult for workers to establish employment terms, seek compensation for unpaid wages or pursue grievances. The survey also found that 15.6 per cent of respondents had experienced a workplace accident during the preceding year, while only one per cent had accident insurance.

Access to welfare benefits was similarly limited. Only 19.4 per cent of respondents reported easy access to welfare benefits after migration, while 45.3 per cent faced considerable difficulties. Another 35.3 per cent reported partial access. Healthcare access presented another concern, with 69.2 per cent reporting difficulties obtaining healthcare services.

These findings are supported by a separate study published in Frontiers in Human Dynamics on July 14, 2026. Researchers examined employment precarity and psychosocial well-being among 428 interstate migrant workers in Kerala.

The study, titled Employment Precarity and Psychosocial Well-being among Interstate Migrant Workers in India: The Mediating Role of Social Protection, found a significant association between insecure employment and lower psychosocial well-being. Social protection had a statistically significant indirect effect in this relationship, suggesting that institutional support could partly mitigate the disadvantages associated with precarious employment.

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Women migrant workers working in a grass field. Image credit:Pexels

The researchers noted that the relationship between employment insecurity and well-being remained significant even after examining factors such as social exclusion and individual coping mechanisms. However, because the study used a cross-sectional design, the findings establish associations rather than causation.

The financial inclusion findings also reveal a gap between access to banking and broader economic security. Although 88.2 per cent of surveyed workers had access to formal financial services, this did not necessarily translate into access to welfare benefits, insurance or secure employment.

Gender differences further shaped workers’ economic experiences. Women migrant workers earned approximately Rs 3,313 less per month than men, even after researchers accounted for other measured factors. The findings indicate that employment vulnerabilities are not distributed equally across the migrant workforce.

Migration governance requires coordination between states

The survey identified circular migration as an important feature of interstate labour mobility, with 82 per cent of respondents classified as circular migrants. Many workers move repeatedly between their home states and employment destinations, often relying on informal networks of friends and relatives to find work.

This movement creates challenges for welfare systems that remain organised around state-specific administrative structures. Workers may find it difficult to access benefits when their employment, residence and documentation are spread across different locations.

The report recommends stronger coordination between origin and destination states, improved portability of welfare benefits, multilingual assistance and more accessible healthcare services. It also calls for better labour inspections and stronger workplace protections, particularly in sectors where informal employment is widespread.

The findings raise questions about whether existing social protection mechanisms are adequately responding to the mobility of India’s workforce. While migration provides employment opportunities and improves living standards for many workers, the absence of reliable employment safeguards and accessible welfare services leaves significant gaps in their protection.

As southern states continue to depend on interstate labour across construction, agriculture, hospitality, manufacturing and other sectors, ensuring that workers can access their rights and benefits wherever they move will remain an important challenge for migration policy.

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Sikkim Records 79% Growth in Milk Production Over a Decade, Dairy Cooperatives Expand

Sikkim has recorded a 79% increase in milk production over the past decade. New initiatives include a Siri cattle Centre of Excellence, dairy infrastructure upgrades and Churpi traceability.

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Dairy cows feeding at a cattle farm, illustrating livestock production and dairy development in Sikkim.
Dairy cattle at a livestock farm. Sikkim has recorded a 79% increase in milk production over the past decade, alongside an 88% expansion in dairy cooperative societies. Representational image. Image credit: Los Muertos Crew/ Pexels

Sikkim’s daily milk production has increased by 79% over the past decade, rising from 1.37 lakh litres to 2.45 lakh litres, according to the Ministry of Fisheries, Animal Husbandry and Dairying. The state has also recorded an 88% increase in dairy cooperative societies during the same period, reflecting the expansion of its organised dairy network.

Union Minister for Fisheries, Animal Husbandry and Dairying Rajiv Ranjan Singh highlighted the figures at a programme organised by the Sikkim Milk Union in Gangtok on November 3, 2026. The growth comes against the backdrop of India’s expanding dairy industry. India produced 247.87 million tonnes of milk in 2024–25, retaining its position as the world’s largest milk producer. Its output increased by 3.58% from 239.30 million tonnes in 2023–24, accounting for approximately a quarter of global milk production.

Uttar Pradesh is the country’s largest milk-producing state, contributing 15.66% of national output in 2024–25. Rajasthan followed with 14.82%, while Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat and Maharashtra accounted for 9.12%, 7.78% and 6.71%, respectively. These five states together contributed approximately 54% of India’s milk production.

Union Minister Rajiv Ranjan Singh and Sikkim officials jointly hold a certificate at a Sikkim Milk Union event in Gangtok.
Union Minister Rajiv Ranjan Singh attends the Sikkim Milk Union programme in Gangtok, where initiatives to strengthen the state’s dairy cooperative network and infrastructure were announced.

India’s dairy industry primarily serves its large domestic market, with milk and milk products consumed across rural and urban households. Uttar Pradesh, besides being the largest producer, is also a major consumption market. Government data for 2023–24 put its monthly per capita milk consumption at 5.69 litres in rural areas and 8 litres in urban areas.

However, production volumes do not automatically translate into organised market supply. Uttar Pradesh’s Dairy Development Department estimates that only around 10% of the state’s marketable milk surplus is processed through the organised sector, compared with a national average of approximately 17%. This points to gaps in processing and marketing infrastructure despite the state’s substantial production.

Expansion of Sikkim’s Dairy Network

In Sikkim, the number of dairy cooperative societies increased from 389 in 2014–15 to 733 in 2025–26. Daily milk supply to consumers also doubled, from 28,000 litres to 56,000 litres.

The programme included several initiatives aimed at improving dairy infrastructure, milk quality and the commercial value of traditional dairy products. The minister inaugurated a microbiology laboratory of the Sikkim Milk Union under the National Programme for Dairy Development (NPDD). The facility is intended to strengthen microbiological testing and quality assessment, supporting food safety in the dairy sector.

A Churpi traceability initiative was also launched to strengthen the identity and marketability of the traditional dairy product. In addition, Fodder Plus products developed by Farmer Producer Organisations (FPOs) were introduced to improve fodder availability and create additional income opportunities in the livestock sector. Five newly established dairy cooperative societies received registration certificates during the programme.

Siri Cattle Conservation and Dairy Infrastructure

The minister also announced plans to establish a Centre of Excellence for the conservation and development of indigenous Siri cattle. The proposal follows his visit to Mangan, where local cattle were reported to produce an average of approximately three litres of milk per day.

The proposed centre will focus on improving the breed’s genetic potential and milk productivity through advanced breeding technologies, including in-vitro fertilisation (IVF). The minister said the Central Government would sanction funds for the initiative and invited the Sikkim Government to submit a formal proposal. The National Dairy Development Board (NDDB) will also finance and undertake the comprehensive modernisation of the existing dairy processing plant in Mangan district, drawing on the model implemented in Mizoram.

Highlighting the potential of organised dairy development, Singh cited NDDB’s intervention in Varanasi, where milk collection reportedly increased from 14,000 litres per day in 2022 to approximately 2.5 lakh litres. The price received by farmers rose from ₹28–30 to ₹42 per litre. The initiative also created additional income opportunities through the utilisation of cow dung in biogas plants under the GOBARdhan programme. The minister called on NDDB to strengthen its support and deploy additional human resources in Sikkim to help the state achieve self-reliance in milk production and procurement.

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Greece Passes Social Media Ban for Children Under 15

Greece’s new law will bar children under 15 from social media from January 2027, adding to international efforts to regulate young people’s access to online platforms.

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Teenager using a smartphone as Greece moves to ban social media access for children under 15.
Greece Social Media Ban for Children Under 15. Representational image. Image credit: https://kaboompics.com/ Pexels

Greece’s Parliament has approved legislation prohibiting children under 15 from using social media, with the restriction scheduled to take effect on January 1, 2027. The law requires platforms to verify users’ ages and provides for penalties if companies fail to comply.

The decision adds Greece to a growing international effort to regulate children’s access to social networking platforms, as governments respond to concerns about online safety, excessive screen use and children’s mental health.

Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis had announced the plan in April. His conservative New Democracy party used its parliamentary majority to pass the bill after a debate that continued from Thursday into Friday. The opposition PASOK party abstained, while other opposition parties voted against it.

How will the Age Restriction Work?

Social media companies will have to introduce age-verification systems to enforce the minimum age. Greece has identified digital tools such as Gov.gr Wallet and Kids Wallet as possible ways to support age checks. The precise implementation and how platforms will meet the requirements remain important questions ahead of the January deadline.

The government has linked the measure to concerns that social media use can interfere with children’s sleep, concentration and personal relationships. However, enforcing the age limit will depend on how platforms identify underage users and prevent them from creating or retaining accounts.

Age verification also raises questions about privacy. Systems that require identity documents or other personal information could expose users to additional data risks. The European Commission has been developing an age-verification system designed to confirm whether someone meets an age threshold without sharing their identity with the platform.

Greece Joins a Wider International Push

Australia became the first country to enforce a nationwide ban on social media for children under 16 in December 2025. Its law requires covered platforms to prevent underage access, with substantial financial penalties for non-compliance.

In Europe, the European Commission proposed the EU KIDS Act in September 2026. The proposal would prevent children under 13 from accessing social media accounts, allow limited, parent-supervised accounts for those aged 13 and 14, and set 15 as the minimum age for independently managed accounts. The proposal still needs approval through the EU legislative process.

These approaches differ in their age thresholds and enforcement mechanisms, reflecting an ongoing debate about how governments should balance children’s protection with access to digital communication and information.

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