Society
“One Nation, One Subscription” is a welcome step, in light of publishers’ apathy
Some top journals can be incredibly difficult to access, without paying for subscriptions, that are exorbitant to say the least. Indian scientists know this better than anybody.
On 25th November, the Indian government announced a central scheme to enable public research and education institutions to access scholarly work free of charge. The “One Nation, One Subscription” was earmarked with an initial sum of Rs. 6,000 crores, to cover subscription costs for the next three years. The PIB press release states that over 6,300 government education and research institutions in India will gain access, to the over 13,000 e-journals owned by some 30 international publishers.
Reactions have been positive so far, with many welcoming the move. On X, Dibyendu Nandi, a space physicist at IISER Kolkata, termed the scheme “a step forward in the right direction.” Some top journals can be incredibly difficult to access, without paying for subscriptions, that are exorbitant to say the least. Google Scholar could often the go-to, though rarely do most relevant content be accessible for free. In these cases, research institutions pay for open access to publishing journals.
But this isn’t the norm. Academicians – in the sciences, social sciences and humanities – are kept out of reach, thanks to paywalls that keep scholarships wanting for more liberty. Nonetheless, there are other challenges still remaining, which awaits state intervention to scientists’ call for a more inclusive budget.
Publishing industry’s murky underbelly
India’s arguably the only country with such a relaxed subscription service in place. Usually, departments at universities across the world are hard-pressed to offer students and scholars subscriptions (if at all they do in other places) to journals of a relevant discipline. This means having to pay to view research that occurs in other disciplines, preventing open access to work in interdisciplinary fields. Research ends up in silos by design, which inhibits any substantial progress.
For-profit journals like Springer Nature, and their likes, have excessive fees in place to access their content. Admittedly, not everybody demands for this, definitely not subscription journals. But then subscription journals aren’t lucrative. Nature charges $200 for a single annual subscription, which amounts to nearly Rs. 17,000 in Indian currency (in today’s rate). Meanwhile, open access journals don’t demand authors to pay for publication, but require institutions to pay for them.
But this includes the cream of journals. Scientists in developing countries like India has to pay a lot more to simply have access to the same piece of research. In this light, the government’s decision to waver this fee could ease burden scientists have from participating in research that’s unpopularly symbolic of corporate interference. It’s not like scientists aren’t plagued by other problems that the government isn’t answerable to. Research institutions, even the prominent ones are underfunded for their research programs, have their woes go unheeded for. However, there’s an elephant in the room that’s gone unmentioned in any government communiques.

Credit: Wikimedia
Publishing costs, databases and research in the developing world
There’s a cost accrued to publish papers that institutions have to pay for. Journals don’t publish for free, of course, and there’s cost incurred from conducting peer-reviews, proof-reading work, making illustrations and even doing a press release. It may be worth mentioning to state that an unpaid reviewer could add as much quality and dedication as any other. But scientific publishing has been under close scrutiny over the years, especially with the rise of predatory journals being caught for publishing content without any editorial review.
This isn’t the condition in every journal, but it’s as though the price tag on the journal, say Nature, which is a hybrid journal, makes them more immune from having peer-reviewers or even corporate higher-ups who’d incentivize an exclusive culture that still doesn’t have every quality paper in reach.
Academics have different ways to reach out to their peers, but then institutions pay for this too. In fact, The Hindu, says that some Rs. 30 – 50 crore rupees so far, to access online databases such as SCORPUS and Web of Science, to receive analytics and insights to track citations – building a corpus of related research work. Basically, simply mining papers costs money.
These exorbitant costs cut both ways aside from wanting to simply read papers, in that it diminishes incentives for researchers who’d be doing high-quality research but not have it published in a journal with a higher reach. Corporatization has added to this list of endless concerns on why science in developing countries don’t fare as well compared to their wealthier counterparts. The prices are seen exorbitant for most of the world – conducting research that bears unfair public bias as that being unimportant, and having researchers put away from carrying out ambitious efforts – for which they find no funders, or those who have the zeal to fund any ambitious projects in the first place.
Suffice it to say, scientists in the West do acknowledge this has been a problem, both in terms of having to access themselves personally, since research institutions only provide access for a few select journals, at the cost of viewing research done elsewhere across the globe. So far, dissent has been ineffective, and without options, scientists everywhere choose to publish in other less-known journals, to avoid having to pay off one’s pocket. In this light, the government’s incentives are the right step against limitless greed.
Wanting to be heard
By all means, the government’s action shouldn’t merely come as a savior complex. Indian science needs state support. There are woes in Indian research, that aren’t necessarily contributed purely from talent deficit, as much as it’s from a lack of public finances being used to justify research. The Anusadhan National Research Foundation, which would receive Rs. 50,000 crores in funds, maybe a viable answer, but the elephant in the room is where and how these funds will be distributed and utilized. but there’s a lot more to be addressed.
Scientists, are people, and they’re vulnerable in light of conditions that are too stressful to handle otherwise, and seems a majority of stakeholders in India’s academia has been left out from enter as decision makers in discussions on matters that will affect them, and shape the ecosystem going forward.
Today, academia’s known to suffer from a “publishes or perish” crisis that isn’t making life easy for quality scholarship to thrive for long. And scientists need to be heard, not passively, but as active decision makers. If there’s a message to take away from recent discourse on scientific research in India, it’s that scientists and their institutions are desperate to be heard.
Technology
From Tehran Rooftops To Orbit: How Elon Musk Is Reshaping Who Controls The Internet
How Starlink turned the sky into a battleground for digital power — and why one private network now challenges the sovereignty of states
On a rooftop in northern Tehran, long after midnight, a young engineering student adjusts a flat white dish toward the sky. The city around him is digitally dark—mobile data throttled, social media blocked, foreign websites unreachable. Yet inside his apartment, a laptop screen glows with Telegram messages, BBC livestreams, and uncensored access to the outside world.
Scenes like this have appeared repeatedly in footage from Iran’s unrest broadcast by international news channels.
But there’s a catch. The connection does not travel through Iranian cables or telecom towers. It comes from space.
Above him, hundreds of kilometres overhead, a small cluster of satellites belonging to Elon Musk’s Starlink network relays his data through the vacuum of orbit, bypassing the state entirely.
For governments built on control of information, this is no longer a technical inconvenience. It is a political nightmare. The image is quietly extraordinary. Not because of the technology — that story is already familiar — but because of what it represents: a private satellite network, owned by a US billionaire, now functioning as a parallel communications system inside a sovereign state that has deliberately tried to shut its citizens offline.
The Rise of an Unstoppable Network
Starlink, operated by Musk’s aerospace company SpaceX, has quietly become the most ambitious communications infrastructure ever built by a private individual.
As of late 2025, more than 9,000 Starlink satellites orbit Earth in low Earth orbit (LEO) (SpaceX / industry trackers, 2025). According to a report in Business Insider, the network serves over 9 million active users globally, and Starlink now operates in more than 155 countries and territories (Starlink coverage data, 2025).
It is the largest satellite constellation in human history, dwarfing every government system combined.
This is not merely a technology story. It is a power story.
Unlike traditional internet infrastructure — fibre cables, mobile towers, undersea routes — Starlink’s backbone exists in space. It does not cross borders. It does not require landing rights in the conventional sense. And, increasingly, it does not ask permission.
Iran: When the Sky Replaced the State
During successive waves of anti-government protests in Iran, authorities imposed sweeping internet shutdowns: mobile networks crippled, platforms blocked, bandwidth throttled to near zero. These tactics, used repeatedly since 2019, were designed to isolate protesters from each other and from the outside world.
They did not fully anticipate space-based internet.
By late 2024 and 2025, Starlink terminals had begun appearing clandestinely across Iranian cities, smuggled through borders or carried in by diaspora networks. Possession is illegal. Penalties are severe. Yet the demand has grown.
Because the network operates without local infrastructure, users can communicate with foreign media, upload protest footage in real time, coordinate securely beyond state surveillance, and maintain access even during nationwide blackouts.
The numbers are necessarily imprecise, but multiple independent estimates provide a sense of scale. Analysts at BNE IntelliNews estimated over 30,000 active Starlink users inside Iran by 2025.
Iranian activist networks suggest the number of physical terminals may be between 50,000 and 100,000, many shared across neighbourhoods. Earlier acknowledgements from Elon Musk confirmed that SpaceX had activated service coverage over Iran despite the lack of formal licensing.
This is what alarms governments most: the state no longer controls the kill switch.

Ukraine: When One Man Could Switch It Off
The power — and danger — of this new infrastructure became even clearer in Ukraine.
After Russia’s 2022 invasion, Starlink terminals were shipped in by the thousands to keep Ukrainian communications alive. Hospitals, emergency services, journalists, and frontline military units all relied on it. For a time, Starlink was celebrated as a technological shield for democracy.
Then came the uncomfortable reality.
Investigative reporting later revealed that Elon Musk personally intervened in decisions about where Starlink would and would not operate. In at least one documented case, coverage was restricted near Crimea, reportedly to prevent Ukrainian drone operations against Russian naval assets.
The implications were stark: A private individual, accountable to no electorate, had the power to influence the operational battlefield of a sovereign war. Governments noticed.

Digital Sovereignty in the Age of Orbit
For decades, states have understood sovereignty to include control of national telecom infrastructure, regulation of internet providers, the legal authority to impose shutdowns, the power to filter, censor, and surveil.
Starlink disrupts all of it.
Because, the satellites are in space, outside national jurisdiction. Access can be activated remotely by SpaceX, and the terminals can be smuggled like USB devices. Traffic can bypass domestic data laws entirely.
In effect, Starlink represents a parallel internet — one that states cannot fully regulate, inspect, or disable without extraordinary countermeasures such as satellite jamming or physical raids.
Authoritarian regimes view this as foreign interference. Democratic governments increasingly see it as a strategic vulnerability. Either way, the monopoly problem is the same: A single corporate network, controlled by one individual, increasingly functions as critical global infrastructure.
How the Technology Actually Works
The power of Starlink lies in its architecture. Traditional internet depends on fibre-optic cables across cities and oceans, local internet exchanges, mobile towers and ground stations, and centralised chokepoints.
Starlink bypasses most of this. Instead, it uses thousands of LEO satellites orbiting at ~550 km altitude, user terminals (“dishes”) that automatically track satellites overhead, inter-satellite laser links, allowing data to travel from satellite to satellite in space, and a limited number of ground gateways connecting the system to the wider internet.
This design creates resilience: No single tower to shut down, no local ISP to regulate, and no fibre line to cut.
For protesters, journalists, and dissidents, this is transformative. For governments, it is destabilising.
A Private Citizen vs the Rules of the Internet
The global internet was built around multistakeholder governance: National regulators, international bodies like the ITU, treaties governing spectrum use, and complex norms around cross-border infrastructure.
Starlink bypasses much of this through sheer technical dominance, and it has become a company that: owns the rockets, owns the satellites, owns the terminals, controls activation, controls pricing, controls coverage zones… effectively controls a layer of global communication.
This is why policymakers now speak openly of “digital sovereignty at risk”. It is no longer only China’s Great Firewall or Iran’s censorship model under scrutiny. It is the idea that global connectivity itself might be increasingly privatised, personalised, and politically unpredictable.

The Unanswered Question
Starlink undeniably delivers real benefits, it offers connectivity in disaster zones, internet access in rural Africa, emergency communications in war, educational access where infrastructure never existed.
But it also raises an uncomfortable, unresolved question: Should any individual — however visionary, however innovative — hold this much power over who gets access to the global flow of information?
Today, a protester in Tehran can speak to the world because Elon Musk chooses to allow it.
Tomorrow, that access could disappear just as easily — with a policy change, a commercial decision, or a geopolitical calculation.The sky has become infrastructure. Infrastructure has become power. And power, increasingly, belongs not to states — but to a handful of corporations.
There is another layer to this power calculus — and it is economic. While Starlink has been quietly enabled over countries such as Iran without formal approval, China remains a conspicuous exception. The reason is less technical than commercial. Elon Musk’s wider business empire, particularly Tesla, is deeply entangled with China’s economy. Shanghai hosts Tesla’s largest manufacturing facility in the world, responsible for more than half of the company’s global vehicle output, and Chinese consumers form one of Tesla’s most critical markets.
Chinese authorities, in turn, have made clear their hostility to uncontrolled foreign satellite internet, viewing it as a threat to state censorship and information control. Beijing has banned Starlink terminals, restricted their military use, and invested heavily in its own rival satellite constellation. For Musk, activating Starlink over China would almost certainly provoke regulatory retaliation that could jeopardise Tesla’s operations, supply chains, and market access. The result is an uncomfortable contradiction: the same technology framed as a tool of freedom in Iran or Ukraine is conspicuously absent over China — a reminder that even a supposedly borderless internet still bends to the gravitational pull of corporate interests and geopolitical power.
Climate
Ancient lake sediments suggest India’s monsoon was far stronger during medieval warm period
New palaeoclimate evidence from central India suggests that the Indian Summer Monsoon was significantly stronger during the medieval warm period than previously believed
India’s monsoon history may be more intense than previously assumed, according to new palaeoclimate evidence recovered from lake sediments in central India. Scientists analysing microscopic pollen preserved in Raja Rani Lake, in present-day Korba district of Chhattisgarh, have found signs of unusually strong and sustained Indian Summer Monsoon rainfall between about 1,060 and 1,725 CE.
The findings come from researchers at the Birbal Sahni Institute of Palaeosciences (BSIP), an autonomous institute under the Department of Science and Technology, and are based on a detailed reconstruction of vegetation and climate in India’s Core Monsoon Zone (CMZ)—the region that receives nearly 90 percent of the country’s annual rainfall from the Indian Summer Monsoon.
Reading climate history from pollen
Researchers extracted a 40-centimetre-long sediment core from Raja Rani Lake. These layers of mud record environmental changes spanning roughly the last 2,500 years. Embedded within them are fossil pollen grains released by plants that once grew around the lake.
By identifying and counting these grains—a method known as palynology—the team reconstructed past vegetation patterns and inferred climate conditions. Forest species that thrive in warm, humid environments point to periods of strong rainfall, while grasses and herbs are indicators of relatively drier phases.
According to the scientists, the pollen record from the medieval period shows a clear dominance of moist and dry tropical deciduous forest taxa. This points to a persistently warm and humid climate in central India, driven by a strong monsoon system, with no evidence of prolonged dry spells within the CMZ during that time.
Medieval Climate Anomaly linked to stronger monsoon
The period of intensified rainfall coincides with the Medieval Climate Anomaly (MCA), a globally recognised warm phase dated to roughly 1,060–1,725 CE. The study suggests that the strengthened Indian Summer Monsoon during this interval was shaped by a combination of global and regional drivers.
In a media statement, the researchers noted that La Niña–like conditions—typically associated with stronger Indian monsoons—may have prevailed during the MCA. Other contributing factors likely included a northward shift of the Inter Tropical Convergence Zone, positive temperature anomalies, higher sunspot numbers and increased solar activity.
Why this matters today
The Core Monsoon Zone is particularly sensitive to fluctuations in the Indian Summer Monsoon, making it a key region for understanding long-term hydroclimatic variability during the Late Holocene (also known as the Meghalayan Age). Scientists say insights from this period are crucial for contextualising present-day monsoon behaviour under ongoing climate change.
The BSIP team said high-resolution palaeoclimate records such as these can strengthen climate models used to simulate future rainfall patterns. Beyond academic interest, the findings have implications for water management, agriculture and climate-resilient policy planning in monsoon-dependent regions.
By revealing that central India once experienced a more intense and sustained monsoon than previously recognised, the study adds a deeper historical perspective to debates on how the Indian monsoon may respond to current and future warming.
Society
Reliance to build India’s largest AI-ready data centre, positions Gujarat as global AI hub
As part of making Gujarat India’s artificial intelligence pioneer, in Jamnagar we are building India’s largest AI-ready data centre: Mukesh Ambani
Reliance Industries Limited, India’s largest business group, has announced plans to build the country’s largest artificial intelligence–ready data centre in Jamnagar, a coastal industrial city in the western Indian state of Gujarat, as part of a broader push to expand access to AI technologies at population scale.
The announcement was made by Mukesh Ambani, chairman and managing director of Reliance Industries, during the Vibrant Gujarat Regional Conference for the Kutch and Saurashtra region, a government-led investment and development forum focused on regional economic growth.
Ambani said the Jamnagar facility is being developed with a single objective: “Affordable AI for every Indian.” He positioned the project as a foundational investment in India’s digital infrastructure, aimed at enabling large-scale adoption of artificial intelligence across sectors including industry, services, education and public administration.
“As part of making Gujarat India’s artificial intelligence pioneer, in Jamnagar we are building India’s largest AI-ready data centre,” Ambani said, adding that the facility is intended to support widespread access to AI tools for individuals, enterprises and institutions.
Reliance also announced that its digital arm, Jio, will launch a “people-first intelligence platform,” designed to deliver AI services in multiple languages and across consumer devices. According to Ambani, the platform is being built in India for both domestic and international users, with a focus on everyday productivity and digital inclusion.
The AI initiative forms part of Reliance’s broader commitment to invest approximately Rs 7 trillion (about USD 85 billion) in Gujarat over the next five years. The company said the investments are expected to generate large-scale employment while positioning the region as a hub for emerging technologies.
The Jamnagar AI data centre is being developed alongside what Reliance describes as the world’s largest integrated clean energy manufacturing ecosystem, encompassing solar power, battery storage, green hydrogen and advanced materials. Ambani said the city, historically known as a major hub for oil refining and petrochemicals, is being re-engineered as a centre for next-generation energy and digital technologies.
The announcements were made in the presence of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Gujarat Chief Minister Bhupendra Patel, underscoring the alignment between public policy and private investment in India’s long-term technology and infrastructure strategy.
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