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Farmers Borrowed to Build ‘Diggis’. Two Years Later, They Are Still Waiting for the Subsidy

Farmers in Rajasthan’s Hanumangarh district built diggis, farm ponds and other water structures after receiving government approval under the Atal Bhujal Yojana. But with crores in subsidies pending, many say they are now left paying loans and waiting for the money they were promised.

Amarpal Singh Verma

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Atal Bhujal Yojana Subsidy: Rajasthan Farmers Still Wait
Farmer Rajaram Bishnoi (centre) standing near the diggi built under the Atal Bhujal Yojana on his farm in Bhagatpura village of Sangaria tehsil in Hanumangarh district, Rajasthan. Image credit: Vijay Midha

Farmers in Rajasthan’s Hanumangarh district built diggis and other water structures after receiving government approval. But with the Atal Bhujal Yojana subsidy still pending, many are left paying loans and waiting for the money they were promised.

Rajaram Bishnoi, a farmer from Chak 4 NTW in Bhagatpura gram panchayat (village council area) of Rajasthan’s Hanumangarh district, applied to the Agriculture Department in 2024-25 under the Atal Bhujal Yojana (Atal Groundwater Scheme) to build a water diggi [a small farm reservoir dug into the ground to store rainwater and canal water for irrigation] with a capacity of 25 lakh litres on his farm. He was in the general category of farmers. The department approved his application. Rajaram then built the diggi on his farm. It cost him around Rs 5 lakh, but he is still waiting for the subsidy from the government.

Rajaram says that the government considers the cost of a diggi to be Rs 4 lakh and gives 75 per cent of this amount as subsidy to farmers in the general category. But the actual cost is higher. He said, “When I built the diggi on my farm, it cost around Rs 5 lakh. I was satisfied thinking that the government would at least give Rs 3 lakh as subsidy. But even after around two years, we have not received the subsidy amount.”

His son, Sushil Kumar Bishnoi, says they borrowed money from a commission agent at an interest rate of Rs 2 per hundred (i.e., 2 per cent, commonly charged per month in informal rural lending) and used it to build the diggi. “We thought that we would soon get the money from the government and repay the loan. But so far, all we have got is the wait. We have to pay the interest every month.”

Atal Bhujal Yojana Subsidy Leaves Rajasthan Farmers Waiting

Rajaram Bishnoi is not the only farmer waiting for the subsidy after building a diggi. Thousands of farmers in Rajasthan built diggis, farm ponds and water structures such as pipelines under the government scheme to save groundwater and increase the availability of water on their farms. They made this investment after getting government approval and in the hope of receiving the subsidy. But now, in Hanumangarh district, subsidy amounting to Rs 38 crore 52 lakh 6 thousand for the work done in two financial years is pending, and farmers have been protesting for a long time to get the money.

Atal Bhujal Yojana Subsidy Leaves Rajasthan Farmers Waiting
Farmers protesting at Hanumangarh district headquarters demanding payment of the pending subsidy under the Atal Bhujal Yojana. Image credit: Vijay Midha

According to official figures from Hanumangarh district, farmers built 829 diggis, four farm ponds, purchased six agricultural machines, and laid 10 pipelines in 2024-25. A subsidy of Rs 25 crore 15 lakh 73 thousand is pending for these works. In 2025-26, 410 diggis, 12 farm ponds, 64 agricultural machines, and 40 pipelines were completed, and mini kits [small government-supplied packages of seeds, tools, or inputs] were also distributed. Payments of more than Rs 13.36 crore for these works are pending.

Crucially, many farmers in 2025-26 carried out the construction after getting approval from the government. But after the Atal Bhujal Yojana ended in October 2025, instructions were issued to stop the work. Resham Singh Manuka, district president of the Bharatiya Kisan Union [Indian Farmers’ Union, a national farmers’ advocacy organisation], asks, “When a farmer has invested money on his own land on the basis of government approval and has completed the construction, why is the financial risk of the scheme ending later being passed on to the farmer?”

This question is also important because the central government implemented the Atal Bhujal Yojana from April 1, 2020 to October 15, 2025 in 8,203 water-stressed gram panchayats in 229 blocks of 80 districts across seven states — Gujarat, Haryana, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh. It was a pilot scheme for a fixed period. On July 30, 2026, Union Minister of State for Jal Shakti [India’s federal ministry overseeing water resources, river development, and drinking-water supply] Raj Bhushan Choudhary, in a written reply to a question in the Lok Sabha [the lower house of India’s Parliament], said the impact of the scheme was positive. He said that according to the 2023-25 assessment, improvement in groundwater levels was seen in 180 out of 229 blocks.

The government’s own assessment credits the scheme with improving groundwater levels in 180 of the 229 blocks it covered. But whether that technical success reaches farmers depends on the government actually paying what it approved — and in Hanumangarh, that payment is where the scheme is failing.

There is also a long chain of farmers’ protests and government assurances over the payment of the subsidy. On March 6, 2026, after farmers surrounded the office of the Joint Director of Agriculture in Hanumangarh, a written agreement was reached between officials and farmer representatives. It assured that the pending diggi subsidy for 2024-25 would be paid within two months. When the payment did not happen, farmers surrounded the district collectorate and Agriculture Office on May 19. They were then assured that the payment would be made within one month and 15 days. The issue was also raised in the district-level review meeting on June 22. When C.R. Chaudhary, chairman of the State Farmers Commission, visited Hanumangarh on July 30, farmers raised the issue before him.

He told farmers that the subsidy was pending not only for farmers in Hanumangarh but across the state. “I had a courtesy meeting with Union Jal Shakti Minister C.R. Patil in New Delhi and held detailed discussions on important issues related to the interests of farmers in Rajasthan,” Chaudhary said. He said he had written to the Union Minister requesting early payment of the pending subsidy amount for 38 blocks in 17 districts of Rajasthan under the Atal Bhujal Yojana.

Chaudhary told the minister that due to the premature closure of the scheme, liabilities of around Rs 214.86 crore of the Agriculture and Horticulture Department are pending. As a result, thousands of farmers are waiting for their subsidy despite completing their work. The state Agriculture Minister and Chief Secretary have also requested the release of funds in this regard. “I also requested that, keeping the interests of farmers as the top priority, the pending amount should be released soon and the subsidy transferred to the accounts of eligible farmers,” he said.

The chairman of the Farmers Commission had expressed confidence while talking to farmers in Hanumangarh that the Union Minister would take a positive decision on the matter and provide relief to Rajasthan’s farmers soon.

Atal Bhujal Yojana Subsidy Leaves Rajasthan Farmers Waiting
Rajasthan 02: Farmers taking out a tractor rally at Hanumangarh district headquarters demanding payment of the pending subsidy under the Atal Bhujal Yojana. Image credit: Vijay Midha

Farmers are getting repeated assurances, but no payment has been made so far. Recently, on August 26, farmers again had to take out a tractor rally. During the rally, the police tried to stop the farmers, but the farmers broke the barricades. This led to a situation of confrontation for some time. The police have registered a case against 11 leaders, including farmer leader Resham Singh Manuka, for allegedly taking out the tractor rally without permission despite the model code of conduct [a set of election-time conduct rules issued by India’s Election Commission that restricts government announcements and gatherings once polls are called] for the municipal elections and prohibitory orders being in place.

Manuka described the police action as an attempt to suppress the farmers’ protest. He said the farmers’ agitation would continue and that the issue would also be raised during the upcoming municipal and Panchayati Raj [elections to India’s local self-government bodies at the village, block, and district levels] elections. He said the farmers’ union would urge people to consider the pending subsidy issue while deciding how to vote. “We will also raise our voice against the government in the Panchayati Raj elections that will follow.”

Farmer Sushil Bishnoi says, “We took a loan and built the diggi after getting government approval. Who is responsible for the investment we made? Were farmers told about the possible risk of the scheme being closed?” Bishnoi says Agriculture Department officials had told them that the money would come soon, but all they have received so far are repeated assurances.

Manuka says that when the central government is calling the scheme a successful and exemplary model, why is the payment of farmers who worked on the ground under the scheme still pending? He also asks: if farmers invest their own money because they trust a government policy, who should bear the risk if the policy changes or the scheme ends — the farmer or the government?

When asked about the matter, Agriculture Department Joint Director Yashwanti says that the Agriculture Department and district administration have written to the state government about it. The government has requested the Centre. The pending money under this scheme has to come from the central government. “As soon as we receive the money, we will make the payment to the farmers.”

Amarpal Singh Verma is an independent journalist based in Hanumangarh, Rajasthan, India. His focus areas of journalism, spanning four decades, include rural issues, agriculture, natural resources, environment and women. He has been conferred with several awards, including The Statesman Award for Rural Reporting, the Sarojini Naidu Award, the Udayan Smriti Award and the Ladli Media Award.

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Society

Keralam’s Western Ghats ESA debate is now about the land between forests and farms

Kerala’s latest Western Ghats ESA debate is over where conservation should end and farms, homes and settlements begin, as the state seeks changes to the Centre’s 9,993.7-sq-km proposal.

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Green tea plantations covering the rolling hills of the Western Ghats, with a narrow path winding through the landscape
Tea plantations cover the rolling hills of the Western Ghats, illustrating the region’s mix of cultivated land, forests and human settlements. Representational image. Image credit: Mac Avoy/Pexels

The Western Ghats, with a geological history stretching back hundreds of millions of years, is now a landscape where forests, farms and settlements coexist. Protecting it while accounting for generations of human habitation makes Keralam’s ESA boundary a particularly complex question. While there is broad recognition of the ecological importance of the Western Ghats, the question of which lands should fall within the ESA remains contentious.

Keralam is home to nearly a quarter of India’s plant diversity, with the Western Ghats accounting for much of this richness. The mountain range is also one of the world’s biodiversity hotspots, supporting species found nowhere else.

For the people living across this landscape, however, the ESA debate concerns what happens to their farms, homes and private land if they fall within the proposed boundary?

The ESA: Already Shrunk Considerably

The area proposed for ESA status in Keralam has changed substantially since the Kasturirangan exercise. The High Level Working Group headed by K. Kasturirangan had identified 13,108 sq km across 123 villages in Kerala. Subsequent physical verification by the state resulted in a smaller proposal of 9,993.7 sq km.

The composition of this area is important. About 9,107 sq km is forest, while 886.7 sq km is non-forest land. It is this non-forest portion that has become a source of concern for residents.

Environment Minister of Keralam, Sunny Joseph said people had been requesting that private properties and agricultural land should not be included in this category. He said there was no need for unnecessary anxiety over the ESA proposal and stressed the importance of creating greater public awareness about what the designation actually means.

The concern is not new. Kerala has previously sought the exclusion of populated areas and agricultural land during the process of identifying the ESA.

Aerial view of dense green forest surrounding a winding river in the Western Ghats
Aerial view of the forested Western Ghats, where natural landscapes, rivers and human-used land form a closely connected ecosystem. Representational image. Image credit: urtimud.89/Pexels

Why Keralam’s Landscape Makes the Debate Complicated

Keralam cannot easily separate its Western Ghats into neat blocks of forest and human habitation. Agricultural land, plantations and settlements are scattered through the mountain landscape. In several places, human activity exists close to forests and wildlife habitats, making the question of ecological sensitivity more nuanced than a simple forest-versus-development debate.

Oommen V Oommen, who headed the committee that examined Kerala’s ESA proposal, said the committee had interacted with people living in the Western Ghats region before making its recommendations. He pointed to the distinction made in the Kasturirangan exercise between natural and cultural landscapes.

According to Oommen, about 37% was identified as natural landscape and 63% as cultural landscape. The natural landscape, he said, should be completely protected. Farmland and other private properties were not included in the natural landscape identified for protection.

That distinction is important in Keralam, where people have lived in the Western Ghats for generations. The ESA discussion is therefore not simply about how much land should be protected, but about identifying which landscapes have the ecological characteristics that warrant stronger protection.

Joseph also pointed to Keralam’s densely populated landscape while contrasting it with states such as Tamil Nadu. Conservation boundaries that work in sparsely populated forest landscapes can have very different implications in a state where agriculture, settlements and forests are closely interwoven.

Keralam’s forests themselves cover a substantial part of the state, while the Western Ghats are central to its ecological security. The range feeds most of the state’s major rivers and supports a concentration of endemic species. While on the other hand there are many families depending on agriculture and tourism in these areas.

The Map is Changing

Even the 9,993.7 sq km figure is not necessarily the final boundary. The Keralam government has subsequently sought a further reduction in the proposed ESA and the exclusion of additional villages and populated and agricultural areas.

That makes the present debate less about whether Keralam needs to protect the Western Ghats and more about where protection is most necessary and how accurately those areas can be identified.

For residents, the distinction matters. An ESA notification can bring restrictions on certain categories of development and land use, making clarity over the boundary crucial. For conservationists, meanwhile, leaving ecologically important landscapes outside protection could weaken the purpose of the designation.

The main dilemma faced by Keralam is how they should focus on protecting a globally significant biodiversity landscape without treating every inhabited or cultivated patch of the Western Ghats in the same way.

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Society

Why Global Tech and Industry Lean on Indian Talent

A look at how cultural roots, rigorous logic, and specialized management education shape a distinct global edge.

Dipin Damodharan

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featured 8

The modern corporate land scape is undergoing a massive, structural transformation. Across the globe, industries are no longer merely supported by in formation technology; they are entirely defined by it. From algorithmic finance to decentralized operations, “IT has become like a god—like, all-pervad ing,” observes management education expert Bharat Nadkarni.

As every sector moves toward an IT-based core, Indian youngsters have consistently found themselves at the forefront of this digital shift. This glob al positioning is not accidental. It is the result of a unique intersection be tween deep-seated cultural strengths, specialized technical streams, and a fundamentally logic-driven approach to solving problems.

featured 3
Image:David Brown/Pexels

Early Specialization and Management Polish

The journey of an Indian profes sional entering the global workforce typically begins with early academic focus. The current education system is structured to allow students who ex hibit a passion for scientific domains to concentrate deeply and cultivate a strict specialization early on. However, technical expertise alone is rarely enough to drive massive organizations forward. The real leverage happens when this scien tific groundwork is polished through management education.

By picking up the finer operational and structural points of business—whether special izing in strategic finance, logistics and operations, targeted marketing, or human resource frameworks—young professionals learn the art of execut ing at scale. Historically, these business silos operated independently. Today, tech nology acts as the universal connec tive tissue, smoothly binding opera tions, finance, and human resources into a single data-driven ecosystem. Because Indian students are trained to bridge the gap between technical execution and management strategy, they adapt exceptionally well to these interconnected systems.

A 500-Year Heritage of Logic

Beyond specialized academic pipe lines, a far deeper, cultural variable drives this aptitude. According to Nad karni, one of the primary foundational strengths of the demographic is a deeply ingrained ing manifests clearly in the career paths young professionals gravitate toward. Logic-dominant fields—such as advanced software engineering, mathematics, database architecture, and corporate finance—require an innate comfort with structure, pattern recognition, and systemic control. It is a space where clear, algorithmic thinking directly dictates success.capacity for rigorous logic. “Indian students are logically very strong,” Nadkarni explains.

“Maybe it is in our culture, and that culture may be of last 500 years.” This legacy of analytical reasoning manifests clearly in the career paths young professionals gravitate toward. Logic-dominant fields—such as advanced software engineering, mathematics, database architecture, and corporate finance—require an innate comfort with structure, pattern recognition, and systemic control. It is a space where clear, algorithmic thinking directly dictates success.

Navigating an All-Pervading Digital Future

As the international market evolves, the demand for this exact combination of deep logic and tech nical management is accelerating. The global shift toward data-centric business models plays directly to these intrinsic cultural and education al strengths.

For organizations trying to navigate this landscape, the lesson is clear: the strength of the emerging work force lies not just in their familiarity with modern tools, but in the struc tural logic they use to build them. By leveraging a historical foundation of analytical thought and refining it through modern management princi ples, a new generation is proving that they are uniquely equipped to lead an all-pervading digital economy.

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Climate

India tops the world for population exposed to climate-driven risky heat

Climate-driven heat exposed 117 million people in India to a month or more of risky heat between June and August 2026, Climate Central found.

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climate-driven heat
A woman shields herself from the summer heat on a busy street in India.. Image credit: Anurag Jamwal/Pexels

Climate-driven heat exposed 117 million people in India to a month or more of risky heat between June and August 2026, according to a Climate Central analysis.

Between June and August this year, 117 million people in India spent a month or more under heat that would have been far less likely without a warming planet. That single number, from a new global analysis by Climate Central, puts India at the top of the world’s list for population exposed to climate-driven risky heat — ahead of China’s 94 million and Indonesia’s 83 million.

The finding sits inside a larger, starker pattern. Worldwide, over 1.5 billion people experienced 30 or more days of risky heat that climate change made significantly more likely this summer. On any single day of the season, more than a quarter of humanity felt a strong climate change signal in the local temperature. Climate Central’s scientists tracked this using their Climate Shift Index (CSI), which measures how much more likely a given day’s warmth was because of climate change, and flagged “risky heat days” as those hotter than 90% of what a place recorded between 1991 and 2020 — the threshold at which heat starts to strain the body.

The Global Climate-Driven Heat Scoreboard

Europe came out the most unusually hot continent on the planet this year, even though it was not the most populous one affected. Eighty-nine per cent of Europeans — nearly nine in ten — spent a month or more under risky heat. France and the Holy See tied for the largest temperature anomaly of any country, running 3.5°C above their historical norm, and seven of the world’s ten most abnormally hot countries were European. Fifty-four countries recorded their hottest June-to-August since 1970, France, Italy and the United Kingdom among them.

Asia, by contrast, carried the largest raw number of people through this heat: 2.8 billion, or 58% of the continent’s population, spent 30 days or more under conditions strongly shaped by climate change. India and Egypt were the two countries where more than 100 million people each crossed that threshold.

Africa’s story shows up less in totals and more in persistence. Six African countries spent at least 95% of the entire three-month period under a strong climate change influence — Rwanda for 91 days, Uganda for 89, Ethiopia for 88. For those populations, the season did not have an unusually hot patch; nearly the whole summer was one.

In North America, four in five people in the United States lived through a month’s worth of risky summer heat, with the average American gaining 23 such days from climate change and the average Canadian gaining 17.

India’s numbers, city by city

Nationally, India ran 0.7°C warmer than its 1991–2020 June-to-August average, and the average Indian experienced climate change’s fingerprint on local temperature for 39 days across the three months — better than a third of the entire season.

City-level data obtained alongside the release shows how unevenly that heat landed.

CityStateDays with strong climate signalRisky heat daysRisky heat days added by climate change
MumbaiMaharashtra86244
PuneMaharashtra761717
SuratGujarat74269
BengaluruKarnataka7300
MaduraiTamil Nadu702323
NashikMaharashtra672019
CoimbatoreTamil Nadu6600
VisakhapatnamAndhra Pradesh65219
TiruchirappalliTamil Nadu642929
ChennaiTamil Nadu604030
VijayawadaAndhra Pradesh431810
SrinagarJammu and Kashmir285329

Source: Climate Central, June–August 2026 city dataset.

Two different stories run through these columns, and conflating them misses the point.

Mumbai tops the country for sheer duration: 86 of the 92 days in the season carried a strong climate change signal, more than any other Indian city measured. But of Mumbai’s 24 risky heat days, only four were added by climate change — the city runs hot most of the year regardless, so the climate contribution to its worst days is comparatively small. Pune and Nashik, sitting in Mumbai’s own state, show almost the opposite ratio: nearly every risky heat day they had this summer would not have happened without climate change.

Chennai had both the most risky heat days in the country — 40 — and the most added by climate change — 30. That combination makes it the city where the analysis draws the clearest straight line between a hot summer and a warming climate. Tiruchirappalli and Madurai, both in Tamil Nadu, follow the same pattern: every risky heat day counted in each city was one climate change made more likely.

Srinagar is the outlier worth pausing on. A city known for temperate summers recorded 53 risky heat days, more than any other Indian city in the dataset, of which 29 were attributed to climate change — a scale of departure from its own historical baseline far larger than what Mumbai or Delhi saw from theirs.

Where the heat did not arrive

Not every Indian city ran hotter than usual. Jaipur’s seasonal average came in 0.4°C below its 1991–2020 norm, Kota 0.2°C below, and Bhopal 0.1°C below — small numbers, but real ones, in a summer when most of the country and the world trended the other way. Even so, none of the three escaped the climate signal entirely: Jaipur still logged three risky heat days attributable to climate change, Kota three, Bhopal one. The exceptions are a reminder that a warming climate does not raise every thermometer in lockstep, even as it raises the odds almost everywhere.

What the numbers are measuring

The CSI framework Climate Central uses does not ask whether a heatwave happened — it asks how much more likely climate change made it. A CSI level of 2 or higher, the threshold used throughout this analysis, means the day’s warmth was at least twice as likely because of the human-driven build-up of greenhouse gases. That is a probability statement about cause, not a one-off weather reading, which is what allows the same framework to compare Mumbai’s long hot stretch against Chennai’s sharper, more clearly climate-driven spike.

Kristina Dahl, Climate Central’s vice president for science, described the pattern as one where “human-driven warming is pushing communities beyond safe physical limits” — a line written with Europe and North America in mind as much as South Asia. The India numbers suggest the same pressure is arriving unevenly within a single country: some cities absorbing a long, low-grade climate signal across most of the summer, others taking a shorter but far sharper hit concentrated into their worst weeks.

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