Society
How Netha Hussain uses Wikipedia to fight health misinformation
Meet Netha Hussain, the India-born medical doctor in Sweden who has garnered widespread recognition for her unwavering commitment to combating medical misinformation.
As social media became popular, so did the flood of information. This is the post-truth era of content explosion, where unreliable news and information spread like wildfire. Fake news comes in many forms, depending on one’s interests and religious frameworks. It was rampant throughout the COVID-19 pandemic. In such a complicated time, it assumes great significance to lead the fight against fake information. When the battle is against health misinformation, it becomes a noble act.
This is Netha Hussain, a Sweden-based doctor and Wikimedian who has been relentlessly fighting against medical misinformation for the last 14 years. Born in the southern Indian state of Kerala, Netha holds a PhD in Clinical Neuroscience from the University of Gothenburg, Sweden. She has received the Honourable Mention Award from the Wikimedia Foundation in recognition of her fight against fake information and the Open Source Academic Award from the renowned American company Red Hat for health articles written on Wikipedia.
Organizations, including the United Nations, have praised Netha’s efforts. EdPublica brings you the story of Netha’s fight against medical misinformation, which also reminds us of the importance of scientific literacy. Recently, she has been working on mapping and bridging the knowledge gaps related to women’s health on the English Wikipedia. This WikiProject is an initiative to identify knowledge gaps and improve the quality of content related to women’s health in Wikimedia projects.

The news came at a time when the COVID-19 pandemic was at its peak. “A few people were hospitalized after eating a fruit that not many people had heard of. It was poisonous. They believed that eating it would help them fight against COVID-19. They got that information from the Internet.”
It is recurring incidents like the one above that give more strength and relevance to the struggle of this young doctor in her inexorable fight against false information related to health that fills the online space. Many methods had been touted as treatments that offered no guarantee of preventing the impact of the COVID-19 virus. She laid out all this. The Wikipedia article written by Netha was widely discussed globally. Organizations like the United Nations mentioned this Indian woman doctor on their official social media platforms and shared her video.
Learning to spot fake information should start from childhood. The way science is taught should be changed
If we don’t…
Netha has been writing articles on Wikipedia for over 14 years. She started by writing an article about Chammanthi (a spread typically associated with Indian cuisines). Later, the young doctor wrote on many subjects, with articles focused on COVID-19 being the most popular. Settled in Sweden, she is a clinical neuroscientist with an interest in research.
“People trust me because I am a doctor. Having a medical degree helps combat fake news. Wikipedia has very few medical editors, which also increases my responsibility. If we don’t, no one else will. No one knew anything about COVID-19 at the beginning. Later, I learned it for my profession. It has also been used in Wikipedia,” states Netha.
The ‘Viral’ Article
“I had to write notes as part of my studies. So, I thought that if I go ahead and write it on Wikipedia, it will be useful for the rest of us. Whatever is being taught that day, I look it up on Wikipedia while studying it. Then I try to improve that article. And then it became an easy process,” Netha recalls her journey.

Netha says that when the flow of writing came, the later work changed to a way of being able to articulate points and find references. She writes mostly health-related articles on Wikipedia. Being a voluntary activity, there is no financial benefit to it. According to Netha, the most reliable information is written in a language that people can easily understand.
“It is a very difficult task to prevent and eliminate fake information,” says Netha. “It’s like a genie out of a bottle. Once it’s released, it’s awfully hard to get back in. It will spread very quickly.”
“Fake news has been a problem since the start of COVID. If you eat garlic, you will not get COVID. COVID will not come in the summer. So many rumors were spread. Fake propaganda was active here when COVID first started in China,” Dr. Netha points out.
As mentioned earlier, she has been a Wikipedia volunteer for over 14 years and is a prominent Wikimedian. Wikimedians are those who write and edit articles on Wikipedia, the free online encyclopedia. Netha’s Wikipedia article, List of unproven methods against COVID-19, was seriously discussed across the world. She detailed the list of non-scientific methods related to COVID-19.
At the same time, Netha reminds us that Wikipedia is never a definitive source. “However, there is very little misinformation because everyone is there to help others. Mostly good information. Many editors, like me, watch Wikipedia pages. Everything will be checked to see if someone is editing and if it has credibility. It’s just that it can sometimes take time to spot errors in poorly read articles.”
Dr. Netha hails from Kunnamangalam, a town located in the Kozhikode district of South Indian state Kerala. She moved to Sweden to pursue her PhD studies after graduating from Calicut Medical College with a degree in medicine and surgery
Netha’s lead article on COVID-19 was one of the most read pieces. The article, titled The COVID-19 Pandemic, was read by more than 40 million people in March–April 2020 alone. “No other article has been read by so many people in such a short period of time. So, it is a record on Wikipedia itself,” says Netha.
“When people rely on Wikipedia, they should be given good information, or they will go somewhere else and be cheated. That’s why I think this work is important,” says Netha confidently.
She points out that there are many reasons why we are misled by fake information. “One of the reasons is our biases. Some illnesses do not require modern medicine. Some require fasting. We make sure that our understandings are somehow correct and reject those that are not. We believe in messages sent by someone. And the flood of information is a problem.” Netha says the key is to teach people how to spot fake information. Learning to spot fake information should start in childhood. The way science is taught should be changed.
Dr. Netha hails from Kunnamangalam, a town located in the Kozhikode district of the South Indian state of Kerala. She moved to Sweden to pursue her PhD studies after graduating from Calicut Medical College with a degree in medicine and surgery.
Health
How India’s Agrarian Crisis Is Making Nutritious Food Unaffordable
India’s agrarian crisis is reducing farmer incomes while making healthy diets increasingly expensive. Here’s why India’s food system needs urgent reform.
India’s agrarian crisis is shrinking farmer incomes while driving up the cost of healthy diets, exposing deep flaws in the country’s food system and nutrition security.
When the figures are carefully unpacked, one thing becomes unmistakable: Indian agriculture is passing through a deep and prolonged crisis. The sector is no longer a reliable source of income, and government support has not reached farmers in the measure needed to restore profitability. The farmer who, a few decades ago, owned his own soil is today gradually turning into a daily-wage labourer. Of a farming family’s total monthly earnings, barely one-third now comes directly from agriculture; the remaining share, nearly two-thirds, has to be made up through government or private jobs, wage labour, or small enterprises. In other words, farming alone is no longer enough to run a household.
How India’s Agrarian Crisis Is Making Nutritious Food Unaffordable
What is more worrying is that, even as the sector remains under pressure, the number of new entrants is rising rather than falling — and most are joining not as landowning farmers but as farm labourers. As landholdings are divided into smaller and smaller fragments, income from farming declines rapidly, forcing families to depend increasingly on non-agricultural sources to survive. This is reflected in suicide statistics too: of the total agricultural suicides recorded in 2023, the latest year for which the National Crime Records Bureau has released data, more than half — at least 56.5 per cent — were of farm labourers. This is not a sudden trend; it has been consistent for years. Of the 10,786 farm-sector suicides recorded that year, 4,690 were landowning farmers or cultivators, while 6,096 were farm labourers — that is, workers who own no land in their name, hold no crop insurance cover, and have no support to fall back on if the season fails. It is precisely this group of daily-wage workers that has today moved to the very centre of the agrarian crisis.
A survey by the National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development (NABARD) paints a similarly stark picture: over the past five years, nearly 30 per cent of farming families reported crop losses caused by untimely rain, pest and disease attacks, cyclones or drought, and 12 per cent suffered unexpected drops in market prices. Faced with these shocks, families were left with only two options — exhaust their savings or borrow from moneylenders. The reality is so stark that, per NABARD’s All India Rural Financial Inclusion Survey (NAFIS) 2021-22, covering the five-year window from 2016-17 to 2021-22, the average farming household is left with a monthly surplus of just ₹1,951 after covering its expenses — and it is precisely out of this gap that the cycle of debt is born.
The average debt on a farming household stood at ₹91,231, marginally higher than the ₹89,074 average for non-farming households. The Parliamentary Standing Committee on Agriculture, Animal Husbandry and Food Processing has said the situation demands close monitoring and precisely targeted interventions, so that farmers can sustainably bear the burden of their debt while continuing to invest in agriculture. The committee stated that the department concerned must ensure farmers do not get trapped in an unbearable cycle of debt, and that the schemes designed for them actually deliver benefits on the ground.
And this crisis will not stop here. A powerful super El Niño is taking shape, and weather experts fear it may disrupt the coming monsoon. Farmers already entering the new season in loss, and under the weight of debt, have little capacity left to absorb another shock. In this new era of shifting climate, providing farmers with a coherent, far-sighted policy framework is not a lofty demand — it is the bare minimum.
The Rising Cost of Nutrition
The crisis in the fields echoes directly in urban kitchens, and today the sharpest edge of inflation is falling on the ordinary person’s plate. In India, a nutritious and balanced diet is becoming more expensive every year, moving further out of reach for crores of families. According to the UN’s latest report, The State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World 2026, the per capita cost of a healthy diet in India has risen by more than 48 per cent since 2017. The minimum cost of a daily balanced diet for an average Indian, which stood at $2.77 (PPP) in 2017, reached $4.11 in 2025 — a rise of roughly 34 per cent compared to 2021, when the figure for India stood at $3.07 (PPP). Purchasing power parity (PPP) does not depend on currency exchange rates alone; it also accounts for local prices of goods and services in a given country, and so more truly reflects the burden falling on an ordinary person’s pocket.
The average global per capita cost of a healthy diet has risen from $2.94 (PPP) in 2017 to $4.28 in 2025, an increase of nearly 46 per cent
This rise in prices hits poor and economically weaker families hardest, because the moment prices rise, it is nutrient-rich foods such as fruits, vegetables, milk and eggs that first begin disappearing from their plates. If a healthy diet continues to remain this expensive, the path to a balanced diet will become even harder for families already struggling with malnutrition. According to the definition set by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and the World Health Organization (WHO), a diet can be called healthy only when it simultaneously provides the body with sufficient energy, essential nutrients, variety and balance — mere fullness of the stomach is not the criterion.

The global picture is not very different. The average global per capita cost of a healthy diet has risen from $2.94 (PPP) in 2017 to $4.28 in 2025, an increase of nearly 46 per cent. The situation among India’s South Asian neighbours is even more severe than India’s own. In Bhutan, this cost has reached $6.17, a rise of 49 per cent compared to 2017. In Bangladesh it stands at $4.59 with a 48.5 per cent rise, in Sri Lanka at $5.21 with a 35 per cent rise, in Pakistan at nearly $3.94 with roughly a 33 per cent rise, and in Nepal at $4.19 with a 26 per cent rise. In other words, India’s cost is higher than Pakistan’s but lower than Nepal’s, Bangladesh’s, Sri Lanka’s and Bhutan’s. Yet it must not be forgotten that in a country with as vast a population as India, even a small rise in cost can have a massive impact on the plates of millions upon crores of households.
There is, however, one reassuring point: the number of people worldwide unable to afford a healthy diet has declined from 297 crore (37.4 per cent) in 2021 to 269 crore (32.7 per cent) in 2025. Even so, nearly one in every three people in the world today still cannot afford the cost of nutritious food, and it is the African continent that is scorched worst in this regard, where 66.6 per cent of the population finds a healthy diet beyond reach.
It is also worth understanding exactly where the larger share of the cost goes. The greatest expense falls on fruits, vegetables, milk, eggs, meat and other fresh and animal-based foods, while grains such as rice and wheat remain comparatively cheap. It is precisely during the journey from farm to consumer — through processing, transport, storage, cold chains and wholesale distribution — that the bulk of the cost gets added. As much as 70 to 75 per cent of the total amount a consumer pays for their diet is spent purely within this middle chain. The result is that the farmer does not receive adequate reward for his labour, and the consumer too does not get produce at a fair price — both sides end up at a loss.
Taking the example of poor households in India, staple grains such as rice and wheat are easily available through government schemes or subsidised markets. But the prices of pulses, green vegetables, fruits and milk — the very foods that give the body real strength and immunity — have risen so much that they are slipping beyond the monthly budget of an ordinary family. The outcome is that even as malnutrition and anaemia persist in the country on one hand, the inability to afford nutritious food is growing on the other. This makes one thing entirely clear: merely supplying grain is not enough; the real test lies in delivering nutrient-rich components such as fruits, vegetables, pulses, milk and eggs to every plate at affordable rates. For this, irrigation, cold chains, research, food processing and the supply chain will all need to be strengthened, while also curbing the wastage of food.
The FAO has issued one more warning in its report: that tensions in the Strait of Hormuz and an effective El Niño persisting until the end of 2026 could together place additional strain on global food and fertiliser prices in the period ahead. According to the organisation’s Chief Economist, Máximo Torero Cullen, the real crisis facing the world is not a shortage of food but the rising cost of nutritious diets, and that boosting local production could bring this cost down significantly.
It must be kept in mind that if nutritious food keeps slipping beyond the reach of the ordinary person, the consequences will not remain confined to hunger alone — they will cast their shadow over children’s growth, women’s health, working capacity and the country’s overall economic productivity. This malnutrition will keep hollowing out bodies from within, generation after generation. Therefore, the goal before India can no longer remain limited merely to “food for all”; it must become “nutritious food for all.” Local production, a strengthened supply system and nutrition-centred policies have today become the greatest need of the hour.
The suicide of a farmer in the field and the vanishing nutrition from a child’s plate — these two events may appear separate on the surface, but their roots lie buried in the same systemic failure
Vanishing Diversity on Children’s Plates
It is said that the habits that take root on a child’s plate in early childhood go on to shape the direction of health for an entire lifetime. Yet today, essential components such as fruits, vegetables, pulses and dry fruits are gradually vanishing from the plates of crores of children across the world. This reality has come to light through an extensive study conducted by researchers at Tufts University and published in the journal BMJ Global Health. Analysing data from more than 1,200 dietary surveys conducted across 185 countries between 1990 and 2018, the study assessed the consumption, among children and adolescents from birth to nineteen years of age, of five plant-based food groups: fruits, non-starchy vegetables, starchy vegetables, pulses, and nuts and seeds. According to the researchers, these components are important not only for physical growth but equally for learning ability, mental agility and protection from many diseases later in life, and yet most children are eating far fewer fruits and vegetables than experts recommend.
The suicide of a farmer in the field and the vanishing nutrition from a child’s plate — these two events may appear separate on the surface, but their roots lie buried in the same systemic failure. The farmer does not get a fair return for his sweat, and the consumer does not get the nutrition he needs on his plate, and it is the chain standing between these two ends that keeps reaping the greatest profit. As long as this imbalance within the chain remains uncorrected, this cyclical curse will keep returning every year in a new form — sometimes in the shape of a farmer in the field, and sometimes in the shape of a malnourished child.
(The views and interpretations presented are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial position of EdPublica.)
Society
From Solar-Powered Clinics to Digital Public Infrastructure: Kerala’s Model for a Resilient Digital Health Ecosystem
Kerala’s combination of solar-powered clinics, digital health platforms and decentralised governance offers valuable lessons for building resilient Digital Public Infrastructure.
Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI) is changing how governments deliver healthcare, education and social services. Much of the global conversation focuses on large national systems, but Kerala offers a compelling sub-national example of how strong public health systems and hybrid energy solutions can support digital governance. In a state known for its social indicators, high literacy and decentralised administration, the pairing of solar-powered clinics with digital health platforms is emerging as a small but effective model for delivering robust public services.
Why Digital Public Infrastructure Needs Energy Resilience
Kerala’s healthcare system has long been considered among the best in India, regularly posting strong health statistics, with life expectancy above 75 years and near-universal literacy. The COVID-19 pandemic exposed a common weakness across many regions: the dependence of digital health systems on continuous power and network access. Telemedicine platforms, digital health records, vaccination databases and real-time surveillance systems all require reliable electricity and internet connectivity — infrastructure that remains patchy in Kerala’s rural and coastal regions, which are also vulnerable to power failures and severe weather.
Kerala has been piloting solar-powered primary health centres and community clinics in remote and disaster-prone areas, with mixed results. In Kadamakkudy panchayat in Ernakulam district, a solar-powered floating ambulance-cum-dispensary — billed at its 2025 launch as India’s first such service — was expected to serve more than 2,400 patients across the panchayat’s islands. It stopped running within months after developing engine and maintenance problems, a reminder that pilot ambition and long-term upkeep don’t always move at the same pace. Elsewhere, clinics have installed rooftop solar panels with battery storage to keep vaccine refrigeration, diagnostic equipment and digital health platforms running when the grid fails or during floods and cyclones, which have grown more frequent in recent years.
This energy transition is not only an environmental intervention; it is also an enabler of Digital Public Infrastructure. Kerala’s health system increasingly relies on digital platforms such as eHealth Kerala, which maintains electronic health records for millions of people, and telemedicine services that connect rural patients with specialists in metropolitan hospitals. For these systems to work, they need to remain operational at all times — solar power reduces the risk of interruption during emergencies, making services more accessible and reliable.
This matters in the wider South Asian context. Digital health initiatives are expanding rapidly across the region, but infrastructure gaps remain a major constraint: an estimated 12% of health-care facilities in South Asia have no electricity access at all, according to a 2023 WHO, World Bank, IRENA and SEforALL report. Kerala’s hybrid model is a useful counter-example, showing that energy resilience and digital governance need to be built together rather than treated as separate problems.
Kerala’s experience also illustrates the benefits of decentralised governance in building robust DPI ecosystems. Panchayats and municipalities — the state’s local self-government bodies — play a central role in implementing health and energy projects. This structure allows for context-specific solutions, such as solar systems in flood-prone coastal clinics or digital health kiosks in tribal communities, and it can adapt to local needs faster than more centralised approaches.
Kerala’s high literacy, combined with its emergence as India’s first fully digitally literate state under the Digi Keralam initiative, has created favourable conditions for the adoption of digital health tools. Citizens’ familiarity with digital public services has made it easier to scale electronic health records, telemedicine and other Digital Public Infrastructure. That digital readiness also has a direct bearing on disaster response: healthcare systems are often among the first services disrupted when floods or cyclones strike, making solar-powered clinics with battery backups and offline digital systems critical for maintaining care and public health surveillance when central grids and communication networks go down.

Kerala’s experience suggests that digital platforms alone cannot build Digital Public Infrastructure — they require a supporting ecosystem of physical infrastructure, particularly reliable, decentralised and sustainable energy systems. Hybrid solutions combining solar, grid power and backup storage offer one way to guarantee continuity of critical services. The implications extend beyond healthcare: solar-powered digital classrooms could support continuous learning in rural schools, and energy-efficient digital kiosks could widen access to welfare and financial services. In each case, energy infrastructure functions as the silent backbone of digital governance.
Many governments across South Asia are racing to roll out digital ID systems, financial platforms and e-governance tools, yet still struggle with basic infrastructure stability. Without dependable electricity and internet access, Digital Public Infrastructure risks becoming patchy and exclusionary. Kerala’s experience is a reminder to build resilience into digital systems from the outset, rather than retrofitting it later.
At the same time, the model is not without its flaws — Kadamakkudy’s stalled floating dispensary is a case in point. Large-scale solar infrastructure requires sustained investment, and hybrid systems need continuous local technical expertise to stay operational; without it, even flagship pilots can go dark within months of launch. Energy policy and digital governance frameworks are also often built in silos, and closing that gap will be necessary to scale the model beyond pilot projects.
Kerala’s solar-powered clinics point to a larger truth: digital transformation is not only about data and platforms, but also about energy, resilience and local governance. By combining renewable energy with Digital Public Infrastructure, the state is quietly building a more resilient and equitable model of public service delivery — one with real lessons, and real cautionary tales, for a region where millions of people still contend with power outages and limited internet access. The future of South Asia’s Digital Public Infrastructure may depend less on how fast governments digitise services, and more on how reliably — and durably — they power them.
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial position of EdPublica
Climate
Climate-Resilient Agriculture Must Move From Policy to Practice
Climate-resilient agriculture is emerging as a key policy priority in India as experts call for water conservation, crop diversification, and technology-driven farming to tackle growing climate risks.
Climate-resilient agriculture is gaining policy attention in India as experts advocate water conservation, crop diversification, and digital technologies to help farmers adapt to increasing climate risks and strengthen long-term food security.
As climate change continues to threaten agricultural productivity through erratic rainfall, rising temperatures and increasing water stress, experts have called for stronger evidence-based policies and investments in climate-resilient farming to safeguard India’s food security and rural livelihoods.
The discussion took place at a workshop organised by the Nation First Policy Research and Change Foundation (NFPRC) for Members of Parliament and State Legislators in New Delhi, where policymakers, agricultural scientists and researchers examined strategies to strengthen climate resilience across India’s farming sector.
“Our focus must be on evidence-based policymaking, climate-resilient governance, crop diversification, water conservation, irrigation and insurance coverage to strengthen India’s agricultural resilience,” Tarun Chugh, Member of Rajya Sabha and Chairperson of the NFPRC Foundation, said while inaugurating the workshop.

During a technical session, Praveen Kumar Singh, Agriculture Commissioner at the Ministry of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare, and Rajbir Singh, Deputy Director General at the Indian Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR), emphasised that adapting Indian agriculture will require region-specific crop diversification, wider adoption of millets, pulses, oilseeds and horticultural crops, along with investments in watershed development, rainwater harvesting, groundwater recharge and micro-irrigation.
Experts also highlighted the growing role of emerging technologies, including artificial intelligence, drones, Internet of Things (IoT) devices and digital supply chains, in improving weather forecasting, precision farming, irrigation management and crop insurance delivery. Speaking on agricultural innovation, Ramesh Chand, Distinguished Professor at the Indian Council for Research on International Economic Relations (ICRIER) and former Member of NITI Aayog, said technology, finance and governance must work together to build a more resilient agricultural system.
The workshop concluded with a call for closer collaboration between policymakers, scientific institutions and farming communities, underscoring that climate resilience will depend not only on technological innovation but also on translating research-backed policies into effective action at the farm level.
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