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West Asia Crisis: Can Kerala’s Returning Gulf Migrants Find a Future in the Green Economy?

Kerala Gulf migrants face growing uncertainty as the West Asia crisis threatens livelihoods. Can green jobs, reskilling and climate investments provide a sustainable future?

Vaishnavi V S

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Kerala Gulf migrants and solar energy illustrate Kerala's challenge of transitioning from Gulf remittances to a green economy.
Photo illustration created by EdPublica using images by Lebele and ClickerHappy via Pexels.

Up to 12 million Indian livelihoods are at risk from the West Asia crisis — Kerala alone accounts for 1.5 to 2 million of them. In the state most built on Gulf money, the jobs coming next don’t match the jobs going away. India’s most literate state is testing whether reskilling, entrepreneurship support and a reimagined green economy can catch its returning workers before they fall through.

When Cinil, who grew up in the hill district of Idukki, boarded his flight home from the Gulf earlier this year, no one had handed him a termination letter. He read the signs instead. For years he had worked in automobile advertising, chasing campaigns for car dealerships across the region — steady, unglamorous work that had financed a life back in Kerala. Then the campaigns got smaller. Clients cut budgets. Contracts that used to renew themselves simply stopped renewing. As the West Asia crisis deepened around him, Cinil made a calculation that hundreds of thousands of Keralites are now quietly making too: better to leave on your own terms than wait to be pushed.

Kerala Gulf Migrants Face an Uncertain Future

For others, there was no such choice to make. “Around 300 to 350 people lost their jobs in a single company in the hospitality sector,” says Baheej, from Kozhikode, a coastal district in Kerala, who has worked in the Gulf for many years. “That means 300 to 350 families were pushed into uncertainty almost overnight.” As tourist arrivals and travel activity declined amid the ongoing crisis, hospitality workers were among the first to feel it. Businesses cut costs to survive, and layoffs followed.

Lijesh’s story, from Malappuram, is a quieter kind of uncertainty. A driver, he has been sent home by his employer on a month of forced leave. He hasn’t told his own family that the leave is compulsory — his two daughters, both still in school, don’t know. “There is a lot of uncertainty,” he tells EdPublica.

Even those still employed are living with a different kind of strain. Workers in oil and gas facilities, particularly refineries, worry that escalating tensions could put critical energy infrastructure at risk. For many, simply reporting to work has become a source of anxiety.

“The ongoing West Asia crisis has affected almost every industry to varying degrees. However, the sectors most significantly impacted in terms of employment and business continuity are Oil & Gas, Construction, Hospitality, Facility Management, Aviation, Logistics, Manufacturing, Shipping and related service industries. The greatest challenges are supply chain disruptions, rising energy costs, project delays and reduced business activity,” said Suresh Kumar Madhusudhanan, a Mumbai-based veteran of the global human resource industry and Managing Director of Seagull International, to EdPublica.

Yet the picture isn’t uniformly bleak — at least not yet, and not for everyone. Net remittances from the region to India rose to $16 billion this April, the second month of the conflict, up 70% over the same period last year, according to data presented by the Union Finance Ministry in its latest report. Cinil’s story and Baheej’s exist alongside that number, not despite it: money is still flowing home even as jobs disappear, a lag that officials and economists are watching closely for signs of how long it can hold.

What Happens to Kerala?

For more than five decades, migration to the Gulf has shaped Kerala’s economy. In districts such as Malappuram — Lijesh’s home district — Kozhikode, where Baheej is from, and Thrissur, remittances have financed homes, education, healthcare and small businesses, woven into the fabric of everyday life rather than sitting apart from it. Idukki, where Cinil is from, has historically sent far fewer workers to the Gulf than the state’s traditional migration belt along the coast — a sign that the crisis’s reach is not confined to the districts usually associated with it.

According to the Kerala Migration Survey (KMS) 2023, the state received ₹2.17 lakh crore in inward remittances that year, with 80.5% of its emigrants living in Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries.

A new study by IPE Global, an international development consultancy, puts a number on the exposure this creates. The West Asia crisis could put 10 to 12 million livelihoods across India at risk, the report estimates. Kerala alone accounts for 1.5 to 2 million of them — behind Uttar Pradesh (3.5 to 4 million) and Bihar (2 to 2.5 million), but still among the states most exposed. (The report’s estimates are built from a triangulated synthesis of migration and remittance data from the Ministry of External Affairs and the RBI, cross-referenced with state-wise sectoral employment patterns, rather than new primary surveys — a methodology the authors say reflects genuine uncertainty in how the crisis will actually unfold.)

“The movement of migrants has always remained relatively steady. Every year, around 2.5 to 3 lakh Keralites migrate to GCC countries, while nearly 1.5 lakh return. We saw similar situations during the 1990 Gulf War, the 2008 global financial crisis, the return of workers from Saudi Arabia following labour reforms in 2013, and again during the COVID-19 pandemic. Our system is seasoned and proven to manage such situations,” said Ajith Kolassery, former CEO of Norka Roots, the Kerala government agency tasked with the welfare and rehabilitation of the state’s Non-Resident Keralites.

“Kerala’s heavy dependence on the Gulf makes it particularly vulnerable. A prolonged West Asia crisis could reduce overseas jobs, cut remittances and bring more expatriates back home, putting additional pressure on the state’s economy. Kerala must respond by diversifying overseas employment, strengthening skills, creating more jobs at home and promoting entrepreneurship,” Madhusudhanan said.

The Green Transition Offers Hope

The IPE Global report argues that the crisis presents an opening to accelerate India’s green transition — and that the money to do it largely already exists inside the government’s own scheme architecture. By converging existing programmes such as PM-KUSUM (India’s mega solar initiative that turns farmers from energy consumers into energy producers by subsidizing solar pumps and rural solar power plants), the National Green Hydrogen Mission, Production Linked Incentive (PLI) schemes and the Carbon Credit Trading Scheme, the report estimates India could unlock USD 42–53 billion (₹4–5 lakh crore) without new outlay.

If implemented effectively, the report projects these initiatives could generate 35 million green jobs by 2047 and contribute to a USD 15 trillion green economy by 2070, spread across agriculture, renewable energy and industry:

  • Agriculture: Reframing PM-KUSUM as a “Farmer-as-Energy-Producer” programme — letting farmers sell surplus solar power back to the grid — could create 15 lakh (1.5 million) jobs on its own, add 50,000 MW of agri-solar capacity, raise farmers’ annual incomes by ₹25,000 to ₹40,000, and cut roughly 70 million tonnes of CO2 equivalent a year. The agriculture sector as a whole is projected to generate 6 to 7 million jobs.
  • Energy: Hitting India’s 500 GW renewable energy target could generate 3.4 million jobs, while the National Green Hydrogen Mission — backed by up to ₹8 lakh crore in mobilised investment — could add another 1.5 to 2 million, for 5 to 8 million jobs sector-wide.
  • Industry: A proposed National Green Steel Mission, decarbonising India’s 140-million-tonne steel sector, could help preserve the country’s USD 8 billion steel export market from EU carbon border tariffs (CBAM) while avoiding 55 million tonnes of CO2e annually. Alongside a Green Transformation Mission for India’s 63 million MSMEs, the industrial sector’s job potential runs past 20 million.

Abinash Mohanty, Head of the Climate Change and Sustainability Practice at IPE Global and the study’s lead author, frames the numbers starkly: with 85% of India’s crude oil imported and 10 to 12 million livelihoods exposed to a single geopolitical shock, he says, “the fragility is real. But so is the opportunity.”

The scale is real too — but so is the catch. The jobs the report says are coming are not, for the most part, the jobs currently being lost.

The Jobs Being Lost Are Not the Jobs Being Created

The workers most vulnerable to the current crisis are largely construction workers, hospitality staff, drivers and domestic workers employed across the Gulf. The jobs driving India’s green transition require a very different skill set.

Solar installation, battery manufacturing, power systems, renewable supply chains and green hydrogen production demand technical qualifications that many returning Gulf migrants have never had the chance to acquire.

Green hydrogen illustrates the gap sharply. The report estimates the sector could create 1.5 to 2 million jobs, but these roles require expertise in electrochemistry, fuel cell technology and industrial-scale systems management. For someone who has spent years working in a hotel, on a construction site or in facility management, moving directly into these sectors is unlikely without substantial reskilling.

A Significant Geographic Mismatch

The mismatch isn’t just about skills — it’s about geography. Rajasthan has the potential to generate around 5 million green jobs by 2047 while facing only about 0.5 million livelihoods at risk from the West Asia crisis. Gujarat could generate 4.5 million green jobs against just 0.28 million at risk. Tamil Nadu’s exposure (roughly 1 to 1.2 million livelihoods at risk) is dwarfed by its green jobs potential of 3.5 million.

Kerala sits at the opposite end of that spread. Despite being among the states most exposed to the Gulf economy, its estimated green jobs potential is only around one million — roughly half its at-risk livelihoods.

The mismatch is rooted in geography and infrastructure. Rajasthan and Gujarat have abundant land, large renewable energy parks and heavy industrial investment. Kerala has limited land for utility-scale renewable projects and few openings for large-scale green manufacturing.

Kerala’s Gulf Paradox: When Prosperity Becomes a Liability

Abinash Mohanty, the study’s lead author, explained to EdPublica why Kerala stands apart from the other states examined in the report.

“There is a peculiar irony embedded in Kerala’s economic story,” he said. “For four decades, the desert sands of the Gulf have nourished the rice fields of Malabar, remittances flowing back to fund concrete houses, college fees, and gold jewellery, transforming the state’s social fabric in the process. Today, Kerala still draws nearly a fifth of India’s entire remittance pie, even as its Gulf-bound workforce has shrunk sharply over the past decade. It is a state living off the echo of a migration boom that has already peaked.”

“Herein lies the mismatch,” Mohanty continued. “The IPE Global study reveals that India’s green transition — its solar parks, hydrogen valleys, and battery gigafactories — is gravitating naturally towards Rajasthan’s deserts and Tamil Nadu’s coastlines, not Kerala’s backwaters. Kerala, like a seasoned sailor stranded as the tide recedes, finds itself with deep economic dependence but a comparatively shallow green jobs harbour to dock in.”

“The solution cannot be importing Rajasthan’s solar playbook wholesale,” he said. “Kerala must instead lean into what it already possesses: a highly literate, internationally exposed workforce. Its future lies not in manufacturing solar panels, but in becoming India’s hub for green services — climate fintech, renewable energy project management, marine and coastal resilience engineering, and the skilled re-export of its own returning diaspora as consultants to other Gulf-exposed states. Kerala’s comparative advantage was always human capital, not hectares of sunlight — and that, fortunately, travels well.”

A Different Transition for Kerala

For Kerala, the transition is unlikely to mirror Rajasthan’s or Gujarat’s. Instead, sectors such as the blue economy, sustainable fisheries, marine industries, eco-tourism and green services may offer opportunities better aligned with the state’s geography and workforce. Alongside these, returning migrants will need structured reskilling programmes that connect training directly to employment.

Jobs
Illustration by S James/EdPublica

Even some of the report’s own recommendations run into Kerala-specific limits. The report proposes expanding PM-KUSUM so farmers can earn by selling surplus solar power to the grid — but eligibility under Component A generally requires 3–4 acres of land, clear ownership records and proximity to an electricity substation, conditions that are far harder to meet in a state of small, fragmented landholdings.

Kolassery believes Kerala should focus first on helping returning migrants find immediate livelihoods before chasing long-term structural change. “NORKA Roots has already demonstrated that this can be done,” he said, pointing to the NORKA Department Project for Returned Emigrants (NDPREM), which offers a 15% capital subsidy, a 3% interest subsidy for the first four years of timely loan repayment, and bank loans ranging from ₹1 lakh to ₹30 lakh, alongside entrepreneurship training and technical guidance through the Centre for Management Development.

“Our immediate priority should be short-term absorption. Kerala may not have the industrial advantages of larger states, but it has a knowledge-based economy and a workforce with international exposure,” he said. Rather than viewing returning migrants as a burden, he argues, Kerala should channel their experience into entrepreneurship and niche industries while courting new investment. “The Middle East’s investment landscape has shattered due to security concerns. This is the right time for India, especially Kerala, to position itself as a safe destination for investment. If we provide the right support, we can convert this challenge into an opportunity,” he said.

What’s Actually Working — and What Isn’t Yet

“The recommendations presented in the report demonstrate that climate action is not merely an environmental obligation — it is a pathway to economic transformation, energy sovereignty, livelihood security and long-term prosperity,” said Ashwajit Singh, Founder and Managing Director of IPE Global.

That pathway isn’t purely theoretical in Kerala. NDPREM, the state’s existing returnee-support scheme, already provides a working template — a 15% capital subsidy, a 3% interest subsidy for the first four years of timely repayment, loans up to ₹30 lakh, and hands-on entrepreneurship training through the Centre for Management Development. It is, in effect, a smaller-scale version of what the IPE Global report says the country needs at national scale: existing institutional capacity, redirected rather than rebuilt from scratch. Kolassery points to it as proof that Kerala doesn’t need to wait for green jobs to materialise before it starts absorbing returning workers — it can start now, with tools already in hand.

But the template has real limits, and they mirror the gaps in the national scheme architecture it’s modelled on. NDPREM works best for migrants with capital and a business idea already in mind; it does little for the hospitality and construction workers Baheej describes, who need wage employment, not a loan. And the state’s proposed long-term bet — blue economy jobs, sustainable fisheries, eco-tourism — remains mostly aspirational, without the scheme convergence or funding commitments that agriculture and energy have already secured nationally through PM-KUSUM and the Green Hydrogen Mission.

For Cinil, back in Kerala and weighing what comes next, the choice in front of him is a narrower version of the one facing policymakers: use what exists now, or wait for something better suited to arrive. What would close that gap, according to both the report and Kerala’s own migration officials, is not a single scheme but three things moving together — reskilling programmes that lead directly into named jobs rather than general training, financing that reaches wage-seekers as well as entrepreneurs, and faster investment in the blue-economy and green-services sectors the state is actually positioned to build. None of that requires new institutions to invent. It requires the ones already in place — NORKA Roots, PM-KUSUM, state industrial policy — to move at the speed the crisis demands. As opportunities in the Gulf grow more uncertain, the test for Kerala’s green transition won’t be how large the numbers get by 2047, but whether workers like Cinil find a next job before the wait becomes permanent.

Vaishnavi VS is an Editorial Associate at EdPublica. She holds a Master's degree in Mass Communication from Pondicherry University, India. She writes on education, science, environment, innovation, and public policy.

Climate

World Bank Drops 45% Climate Finance Target Under US Pressure

World Bank climate finance target has been dropped following US pressure, raising concerns over climate adaptation funding and support for vulnerable countries.

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World Bank climate finance target withdrawn amid pressure from the United States.
Image credit/Rosemary Ketchum/Pexels

World Bank climate finance target has been abandoned following pressure from the United States, prompting warnings that vulnerable countries could face reduced funding for climate adaptation and resilience.

The World Bank has abandoned its flagship pledge to direct 45% of annual lending toward climate-related activities, a retreat from a commitment it made at COP28 and one that campaigners say will hit the world’s most vulnerable countries hardest.

The decision followed sustained pressure from the United States, the Bank’s largest shareholder, and came despite last-minute appeals from France — the institution’s fifth-largest shareholder — to keep the target in place. The Bank says it will continue reporting on the climate finance it provides, but it is no longer bound to hit the 45% threshold.

Why the World Bank Climate Finance Target Was Dropped

The World Bank has long been the single largest source of climate finance for developing countries. Multilateral development banks collectively delivered a record $137 billion in climate finance in 2024, with the World Bank contributing the biggest share. That funding underpins the Baku-to-Belém roadmap, which assigns development banks a central role in reaching the $1.3 trillion climate finance goal agreed at COP29.

Dropping the target now, critics argue, sends the wrong signal at the wrong moment. Eleonora Cogo, Climate Finance Lead at the ECCO think tank, put it bluntly:

“The World Bank says it is following its clients’ lead, but the data says otherwise: developing countries want solar, wind and hydropower. Scrapping climate targets at the very moment they are being surpassed, under pressure that runs directly counter to what recipient countries are asking for, is not neutrality. It is a choice that leaves the most vulnerable even more exposed to climate impacts and to the fossil fuel market instability that every new global energy crisis brings back into the spotlight.”

One Plan Survives, Another Falls

Amid the fallout, the Bank did extend its Climate Change Action Plan (CCAP) — the framework aligning its operations with the Paris Agreement — just before its June 30 expiry. The plan had itself been under threat from Washington, and its survival came only after what one observer called a bruising fight among shareholders.

Jon Sward of the Bretton Woods Project described the outcome as a mixed result: “After a long and difficult negotiation among World Bank shareholders, the Bank’s Climate Change Action Plan has survived, but despite the efforts of other board members, US pressure has weakened the Bank’s climate work with the retirement of the 45% climate finance target.”

He added that the Bank still owes clarity on how a forthcoming independent review will shape the CCAP’s future — and how civil society groups, largely excluded from the negotiations, will be brought back in.

World Bank Climate Finance Target Scrapped Under US Pressure
Image credit/Rosemary Ketchum/Pexels

Joe Thwaites of the Natural Resources Defense Council struck a more defiant note, stressing that the Bank’s underlying obligations haven’t disappeared: “Let’s be clear: the World Bank still has a mandate to continue providing climate finance. The Climate Change Action Plan has been extended. Losing the overarching 45% climate finance target is bad, but individual World Bank Group entities still have their own climate targets, which can be a backstop against the bottom falling out.”

He called on shareholders to hold Bank leadership accountable and suggested donors redirect support to other institutions if World Bank climate finance begins to slide.

The Real Damage: Adaptation, Not Mitigation

Several analysts warned that the target’s disappearance won’t necessarily starve clean-energy projects — those are increasingly commercially viable on their own. The bigger casualty, they say, will be adaptation and resilience finance, which has always depended more heavily on concessional, subsidized capital.

Labanya Prakash Jena, Director of the Climate and Sustainability Initiative in India, explained:”There will be a limited impact on capital flows to bankable renewables/mitigation projects, since these are commercially attractive. The real risk is to climate adaptation and resilience financing — urban heat resilience, flood defences, climate-vulnerable agriculture — which relied on subsidised capital and development assistance, precisely because it’s harder to make commercially attractive.”

Jena noted that India, as the World Bank Group’s largest borrower, has diversified funding sources that will cushion the blow to mitigation projects — but adaptation finance will still take a disproportionate hit.

Suranjali Tandon, Associate Professor at NIPFP, connected the decision to a broader geopolitical shift: “Dropping the climate finance target reflects the shifting priorities globally. Not surprisingly, among the representatives that declined to endorse the continued work on climate change are large fossil fuel producers. Abandoning the target means the flow of finance, which so far used a broader co-benefits approach, may decline especially where the outcomes in climate change projects become less immediately discernible.”

A Push for Alternatives

For some, the episode is less a crisis than a call to action. Dhruba Purkayastha, Senior Advisor for Climate and Environment at Dalberg, framed the World Bank’s messaging with skepticism — while pointing toward a possible workaround: “While the removal of climate finance target is being positioned as shifting from ‘inputs to outcomes,’ it surely further erodes the concept of climate action as global public good, and weakens global sustainable development multilateralism. Therefore, there is need to step up on regional green development banks, funds, financial institutions such as maybe an Asia Green Finance Institution or a suprasovereign Asian Green Fund.”

What Happens Next

The World Bank’s decision arrives just months after the G11 group of developing nations formally urged the institution to extend its climate plan — a request partially honored, even as the numerical target that once anchored the Bank’s climate ambitions disappears. With the CCAP’s extension length still unannounced and an independent review pending, the coming months will determine whether individual entity-level targets and voluntary reporting can hold the line — or whether, as campaigners fear, climate finance quietly starts to shrink just as the world needs it most.

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Space & Physics

From Assembly to Silicon: India’s Long Road to Semiconductor Self-Reliance

India is building a semiconductor ecosystem through fabrication, packaging, chip design and Mission 2.0 to reduce imports and strengthen technology leadership.

Joe Jacob

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What India Semiconductor Mission 2.0 Changes
Image credit; Miguel Á. Padriñán/Pexels

For decades, India excelled at writing the software that powered the world’s computers but remained almost entirely dependent on other countries for the chips inside them. Every smartphone, fighter aircraft, satellite, electric vehicle, telecom network and artificial intelligence system relied on semiconductors designed and manufactured largely outside India’s borders.

That dependence has become one of the country’s biggest strategic vulnerabilities.

Today, India is attempting to change that.

How the India Semiconductor Mission Began

What began as an industrial policy is steadily evolving into a national technology mission—one that seeks not merely to manufacture chips, but to build an ecosystem spanning design, fabrication, advanced packaging, materials, equipment and skilled talent. If successful, it could reshape India’s manufacturing landscape and strengthen its position in a global technology race increasingly defined by semiconductor capabilities.

The launch of the India Semiconductor Mission (ISM) marked a turning point. Rather than offering isolated incentives, the government adopted a mission-driven approach aimed at creating an end-to-end semiconductor ecosystem. The objective extends beyond attracting investment; it is about ensuring technological sovereignty in a world where access to chips increasingly determines economic resilience and national security.

The Design Linked Incentive (DLI) scheme has been an important catalyst. We are seeing some early success. At the same time, there is also an evolutionary factor at play. Engineers who moved abroad 20–25 years ago are now at a stage where they have both the experience and financial capacity to take entrepreneurial risks. Many also want to return to India–says Neelkanth Mishra, in an interview with EdPublica.

Why semiconductors matter

Semiconductors are often described as the “brains” of modern electronics, but their strategic significance runs far deeper.

Every sector that governments now classify as critical—artificial intelligence, defence, space, telecommunications, medical devices, automobiles, renewable energy and industrial automation—depends on increasingly sophisticated chips.

The COVID-19 pandemic exposed how vulnerable global supply chains had become. Factory shutdowns in one part of the world disrupted automobile production thousands of kilometres away. Geopolitical tensions further highlighted the risks of concentrating semiconductor manufacturing in only a handful of countries.

For India, which imports billions of dollars’ worth of electronic components every year, the lesson was unmistakable: technological ambition cannot rest entirely on imported hardware.

Building the foundation

Recognising this challenge, the government launched India Semiconductor Mission 1.0, backed by a financial incentive programme worth ₹76,000 crore. It represented India’s first coordinated attempt to build semiconductor manufacturing capabilities within the country.

The mission was designed to support multiple segments simultaneously:

>> silicon wafer fabrication plants;

>> assembly, testing, marking and packaging (ATMP) facilities;

>> Outsourced Semiconductor Assembly and Test (OSAT) units;

>> compound semiconductor manufacturing;

>> semiconductor design through the Design Linked Incentive (DLI) Scheme.

Rather than relying on a single mega-project, policymakers attempted to create an ecosystem in which manufacturing, design, packaging and supply chains could evolve together.

From policy announcements to factories

One of the biggest criticisms of India’s earlier electronics programmes was that announcements often outpaced execution.

This time, the picture is beginning to look different.

Approved semiconductor projects now represent cumulative investment commitments exceeding ₹1.64 lakh crore, spread across multiple states. According to the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology, the approved portfolio now covers fabrication facilities, packaging plants and compound semiconductor manufacturing, reflecting a broader industrial base than initially envisioned.

The most visible milestone has been the commencement of commercial production at Micron Technology’s advanced semiconductor packaging facility in Gujarat, widely regarded as the first major operational success under the mission.

Several other large projects—including those led by Tata Electronics, Kaynes Semicon, and the Tata-PSMC semiconductor fabrication project at Dholera—have moved into advanced stages of construction and are expected to enter commercial production soon. Together, they represent India’s first serious attempt to establish domestic silicon manufacturing at scale.

Equally significant is the geographical spread.

Instead of concentrating semiconductor manufacturing in one industrial cluster, projects are now emerging across Gujarat, Rajasthan and other states, creating the beginnings of a distributed semiconductor manufacturing network.

Manufacturing is only one piece of the puzzle

Building chips requires far more than fabrication plants.

A modern semiconductor ecosystem depends on hundreds of specialised suppliers producing chemicals, gases, ultra-pure materials, precision equipment, packaging technologies and printed circuit boards (PCBs).

Recognising these gaps, the government has started extending policy support beyond chip fabrication.

A recent example is the foundation of advanced PCB manufacturing projects worth about ₹6,750 crore in Jewar, Uttar Pradesh. These facilities are expected to manufacture high-density multilayer PCBs—including advanced 20-22 layer boards—that India has traditionally imported in large quantities.

India Semiconductor Mission chip manufacturing facility
Image credit/Pok Rie / Pexels

Reducing imports of such critical components strengthens the broader electronics manufacturing ecosystem while creating domestic capabilities that extend well beyond semiconductor fabrication itself.

Design remains India’s strongest advantage

While fabrication receives most public attention, India already possesses one major strength: semiconductor design.

Thousands of engineers employed by global companies already design chips from Indian engineering centres. The challenge has been converting this design talent into domestic intellectual property.

The Design Linked Incentive (DLI) Scheme attempts to bridge that gap.

According to government data, the programme has supported dozens of chip design projects, enabled successful tape-outs, encouraged patent filings and provided advanced chip-design tools to more than 100 companies while training a growing pool of specialised semiconductor engineers.

Moving from outsourced engineering services towards Indian-owned semiconductor intellectual property could prove just as significant as establishing fabrication plants.

The next chapter: ISM 2.0

If the first phase focused on attracting semiconductor manufacturing, the next phase aims to deepen India’s role across the entire value chain.

Announced in the Union Budget 2026-27, India Semiconductor Mission 2.0 shifts attention towards areas where India still depends heavily on imports.

The new phase proposes support for:

>> semiconductor manufacturing equipment;

>> specialty materials and chemicals;

>> indigenous semiconductor intellectual property;

>> advanced packaging technologies;

>> compound semiconductors;

>> industry-led research and training centres.

The underlying philosophy is straightforward: long-term self-reliance cannot be achieved by importing all the machinery, chemicals and specialised materials required to manufacture chips.

Instead, India aims to build capabilities throughout the production chain—from research laboratories to finished semiconductor products.

Recent reports indicate that the government is also preparing a substantially larger financial commitment for ISM 2.0 as it expands beyond manufacturing incentives into ecosystem development.

Strategic partnerships without strategic dependence

India’s semiconductor strategy has deliberately combined domestic capability building with international collaboration.

Leading companies from the United States, Taiwan, Japan and South Korea have become partners in India’s emerging semiconductor ecosystem, bringing technology, manufacturing expertise and investment.

This reflects a broader policy shift.

Rather than attempting complete technological isolation, India is seeking trusted international partnerships while gradually strengthening indigenous capabilities in manufacturing, design and supply chains.

In an increasingly fragmented global technology landscape, diversification itself has become a strategic asset.

The road ahead remains difficult

Despite visible progress, India’s semiconductor journey is still in its early stages.

Chip fabrication demands extraordinary precision, massive capital investments, reliable infrastructure and uninterrupted supplies of ultra-pure water, electricity and specialised materials. Success also depends on building a workforce capable of operating some of the world’s most sophisticated manufacturing facilities.

Moreover, semiconductor manufacturing is measured in decades, not election cycles.

Countries that dominate the industry today invested consistently over many years before becoming global leaders.

India therefore faces the challenge of maintaining policy continuity while ensuring that announced projects translate into commercially competitive production.

A larger national ambition

The significance of India’s semiconductor mission extends well beyond electronics manufacturing.

Every fabrication facility commissioned, every packaging unit established and every design company supported reduces import dependence, creates highly skilled employment and strengthens India’s position within global technology supply chains.

For a country seeking greater strategic autonomy, semiconductor capability is increasingly becoming as important as energy security or defence preparedness.

The first phase of the mission has established the initial building blocks. The second phase aims to strengthen the ecosystem beneath them.

Whether India ultimately becomes a major global semiconductor hub will depend not on a single factory or policy announcement, but on its ability to sustain investment, develop talent, encourage innovation and build an integrated value chain over the coming decade.

After years of watching the global semiconductor revolution from the sidelines, India has entered the race. The challenge now is to ensure that today’s investment commitments become tomorrow’s manufacturing capability—and eventually, technological leadership.

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Society

CBSE Revaluation Raises Questions Over KCET Rank Revisions

KCET rank revision comes under scrutiny after CBSE students’ revised Class 12 marks failed to reflect in the merit list despite official revaluation.

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KCET Rank revisions
A representative image of a student under academic stress amid uncertainty over examination results and admissions. Image credit: Laskhmiprasad S/iStock

As Karnataka’s engineering admissions enter the counselling phase, questions over the KCET rank revision process have emerged after a CBSE student’s Class 12 marks were officially revised following the board’s revaluation. With the KCET option entry window closing on Monday, Bengaluru-based aspirant Sounak Nag says his rank continues to reflect his pre-revaluation CBSE marks despite being issued a revised marksheet by the Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE), raising concerns that the delay could cost him a college seat.

Nag told EdPublica that he is not alone and that several other students whose marks were revised after revaluation are facing similar uncertainty. Since KCET ranks are calculated using a combination of entrance examination scores and Class 12 marks, revisions in board scores can alter a candidate’s position in the merit list and affect the colleges and courses for which they are eligible.

From Corrected Marks to Uncertainty in KCET Rank Revisions

Nag said his Class 12 marks increased after CBSE completed its official revaluation process. Based on the revised scores, he expected KEA to update his KCET rank. However, despite receiving the revised marksheet, the published rank list remained unchanged.

With the counselling process underway, he fears that the delay in reflecting his revised marks could affect his admission prospects.

CBSE’s 2026 Valuation Controversy

After CBSE’s official revaluation, Nag said he received higher marks in all five subjects. His case comes against the backdrop of concerns surrounding CBSE’s 2026 digital On-Screen Marking (OSM) system.

Following the declaration of the Class 12 results, students across the country reported discrepancies in evaluation, including allegations of missing answers, blank scanned pages and incorrect marking. The complaints prompted many candidates to apply for verification and revaluation of their answer scripts.

KCET Rank revisions
Students check examination-related information online. (Representative image) Image credit: Deepak Sethi/iStock

In several cases, the revaluation process resulted in revised marks, raising questions over the accuracy of the initial evaluation. While CBSE maintained that its evaluation process was robust overall, it acknowledged certain discrepancies and issued revised marksheets through its official revaluation mechanism. For students appearing for entrance examinations that factor in board marks, these revisions have created a fresh challenge when admission processes are already underway.

No Clarity on Rank Revision, Student Alleges

According to Nag, repeated attempts to contact the Karnataka Examinations Authority (KEA) through its helpline numbers and official email addresses yielded no response. He later visited the KEA office in Malleswaram, where officials asked him to submit a written representation along with photocopies of his original and revised CBSE marksheets.

Nag said he complied with the request but was not given any written acknowledgement, and his KCET rank remained unchanged. As the option entry deadline approached, he visited the KEA office again seeking an update on his request. However, he said there was no clarity on whether his revised marks would be considered before counselling.

“I’ve submitted everything they asked for, but I still don’t know whether my revised marks will be reflected in my rank before counselling begins,” he told EdPublica.

The uncertainty comes amid an admissions cycle that has already witnessed multiple schedule changes in Karnataka. KEA postponed KCET counselling after the Higher Education Department delayed submitting the final seat matrix, with option entry eventually opening on June 20 and the process for NEET-qualified candidates beginning on June 22. Separately, the Consortium of Medical, Engineering and Dental Colleges of Karnataka (COMEDK) extended its counselling registration deadline to June 12, while document verification is continuing until the end of June, pushing subsequent rounds of seat allotment into July. Against this backdrop, students whose board marks are officially revised after revaluation face added uncertainty, as delays in updating entrance ranks during the counselling process could directly affect their admission prospects.

Beyond One Student

Nag’s case raises a broader question about how admission authorities handle revised board examination marks once entrance rank lists have been published. While examination boards such as CBSE provide mechanisms to correct evaluation errors through verification and revaluation, students say there is little clarity on whether, and how quickly, those revisions are reflected in ongoing admission processes.

The issue also comes amid continued scrutiny of India’s examination system. In recent years, evaluation discrepancies, technical glitches, delayed results and irregularities in competitive examinations have exposed gaps in grievance redressal mechanisms. Nag’s experience adds another dimension to that debate: whether admission authorities have adequate procedures to ensure that officially revised academic records are reflected before counselling and seat allotment are completed.

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