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Solar Power Is Bringing More Electricity to Indian Farms. But What About the Water Beneath Them?

India’s solarisation drive is giving farmers more reliable and affordable electricity for irrigation. But as solar pumps expand, a new concern is emerging: could easier access to power accelerate groundwater extraction in regions where aquifers are already under stress? Evidence from Rajasthan and Gujarat suggests the answer depends on how solar irrigation is designed and managed.

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Agricultural pump irrigating a paddy field, illustrating groundwater use for farming in rural India
Irrigation pump drawing water for a paddy field. As solar-powered irrigation expands across rural India, easier access to pumping could increase pressure on groundwater in water-stressed regions. Representational image. Image credit: Liton Mia/Pexels

For years, electricity has been one of the biggest uncertainties in Indian farming. Farmers dependent on groundwater have often had to work around limited power supply, run diesel pumps or wait for electricity to arrive at odd hours. Solarisation is changing that equation. Through the Centre’s PM-KUSUM scheme, agricultural pumps are being converted to solar power and entire agricultural feeders are being solarised. The aim is to provide farmers with more reliable daytime electricity, reduce diesel use and lower the cost of agricultural power.

The change is significant. By 2025-26, around 25 lakh agricultural pumps had been installed or solarised under PM-KUSUM, while the programme had added 7.67 GW of solar capacity during the year. For a farmer, a solar pump can mean fewer hours spent waiting for electricity and greater control over irrigation. But there is a complication. Much of India’s irrigation already depends on groundwater. If solar power makes pumping cheaper and more reliable, farmers may have fewer reasons to stop pumping.

That creates a difficult question for India’s clean-energy transition: Can giving farmers more electricity to pump water also accelerate the depletion of the water they depend on? The answer is not a simple yes. Evidence from different parts of India shows that solarization can increase ground water extraction in some circumstances, while well-designed systems can also encourage farmers to use less water.

The difference lies in the incentives.

When the Energy Constraint Disappears

India has an enormous agricultural groundwater economy. About two-thirds of the country’s irrigation depends on groundwater, while India has an estimated 23 million agricultural pumps. Around three-quarters of these pumps are electric, according to recent research on solar irrigation.

For decades, electricity availability and the cost of pumping have acted as constraints on groundwater extraction. Solar pumps can weaken those constraints. Once the initial investment is made, the cost of running a solar pump is considerably lower than continuously buying diesel. In areas where electricity is subsidised, solarisation can similarly reduce the financial cost associated with irrigation.

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Irrigation water flows into an agricultural field as a farmer works nearby, highlighting rural India’s dependence on groundwater for farming and the growing importance of managing water use as irrigation becomes more energy-efficient. Representational image. Image credit: Tanin Ahmed/Pexels

That can be good news for farmers. It can also encourage them to irrigate more land, grow additional crops or pump water for longer periods. Research from Rajasthan provides some evidence of this effect.

A study of 414 farmers across six districts found that solar-pump adoption increased groundwater consumption by 16–39% in Jaipur and Sikar. At the same time, farmers benefited from lower energy costs and higher farm incomes. The finding is important because it shows that groundwater depletion does not necessarily result from farmers making an environmentally harmful choice. They may simply be responding to a new economic reality. If irrigation becomes cheaper, using more water can make financial sense.

The Groundwater Problem is Already Severe

Solarisation is also arriving at a time when several parts of India are already extracting groundwater faster than their aquifers can sustainably provide it. The 2025 national groundwater assessment estimated India’s annual extractable groundwater resource at 407.75 billion cubic metres. Annual extraction stood at 247.22 billion cubic metres, putting the country’s overall stage of groundwater extraction at 60.63%.

But the national average hides the severity of the problem in several states. In 2025, the stage of groundwater extraction was estimated at: Punjab: (156%), Rajasthan: (147%), Haryana: (137%), Tamil Nadu: (74%), Uttar Pradesh: (70%), Karnataka: (66%) A figure above 100% indicates that annual groundwater extraction exceeds the state’s annual extractable groundwater resource.

At the national level, 730 of 6,762 groundwater assessment units were classified as over-exploited in 2025. This is why the location of a solar pump matters. A pump installed in an area with a healthy aquifer is not equivalent to one installed in a region where groundwater levels are already falling.

Rajasthan Offers a Warning

Rajasthan illustrates the tension particularly clearly. The state had a groundwater extraction stage of 147% in 2025. At the same time, it has become one of India’s major beneficiaries of solar irrigation programmes.

But it would be misleading to directly attribute Rajasthan’s groundwater crisis to solar pumps. Groundwater depletion in the state has deeper roots: intensive agriculture, rainfall variability, water-intensive cropping and decades of groundwater dependence all play a role. The significance of solarisation is different.

It can potentially remove one of the constraints on further extraction. The Rajasthan study found that solar-pump adopters increased groundwater consumption in some districts while also seeing substantial economic gains. In districts that had previously relied heavily on diesel, diesel consumption fell sharply after solar-pump adoption.

This is the paradox at the heart of the solar irrigation story. The technology can simultaneously make farming more sustainable in energy terms and less sustainable in water terms.

Gujarat Shows How Outcome can be Different

There is another side to the story. Research from Gujarat has found that solarisation does not necessarily lead to more groundwater extraction. A 2026 study examined grid-connected solar irrigation pumps in Anand and Botad, two areas with different aquifer conditions. In Anand, farmers using solar pumps actually used 556–608 mm less irrigation water than the comparison group across the two years studied. The reason is crucial. Farmers with grid-connected solar pumps could sell surplus electricity to the grid.

That creates a different economic calculation. Instead of using every available unit of electricity to pump water, a farmer has a financial incentive to conserve electricity—and therefore potentially water—and sell the surplus.

The same study found no significant difference in irrigation water use between solar and non-solar farmers in hard-rock Botad, where water availability itself was a stronger constraint. The lesson is not that solar pumps are either good or bad for groundwater. It is that the policy surrounding the pump determines much of the outcome.

The Missing Link: Energy Policy and Water Policy

India has already acknowledged the groundwater risks associated with solar irrigation. PM-KUSUM guidelines restrict the installation of new standalone solar pumps in groundwater-depleted areas identified as dark zones. In such areas, solarisation of existing electric pumps is subject to conditions including the adoption of micro-irrigation.

But the scale of India’s solarisation means that groundwater considerations cannot remain a safeguard attached to individual schemes. They need to become part of the planning process itself. That means asking three questions before expanding solar irrigation in a region:

How much solar capacity is being installed? How much groundwater is available? How much additional water could that energy make it possible to extract? Those questions are particularly important in states such as Punjab, Rajasthan and Haryana, where groundwater extraction is already above the annual extractable resource.

Solarisation could also be used to change farmers’ incentives rather than simply increase their pumping capacity. Electricity buyback, efficient irrigation, crop diversification and groundwater monitoring could make conserving water financially attractive.

The Transition Below the Ground

India needs more clean electricity in rural areas. Solar power can reduce diesel dependence, improve the reliability of agricultural power and give farmers greater control over irrigation. Those are real gains. But electricity and water are not separate systems on a farm.

The same solar panel that produces clean energy can power a pump drawing hundreds of litres of groundwater from an aquifer. Whether that becomes a problem depends on how much water is available, what crops are being grown, how efficiently water is used and what incentives farmers face.

The evidence from Rajasthan suggests that cheap solar pumping can increase groundwater use. The evidence from Gujarat suggests that a different policy design can encourage farmers to conserve water instead. So the question for India’s solarisation drive is no longer simply how many pumps can be solarised.

It is whether the country can make sure that the electricity transition above the ground does not quietly deepen the water crisis below it. India may have solved part of its rural power problem. The next challenge is making sure the solution does not come at the cost of its aquifers.

EP Staff is the editorial team at EdPublica, an independent media organisation focused on science, education, environment and public policy. The team produces evidence-based news, features, explainers and analysis on issues that shape society and everyday life.

Sustainability

India Captures 5.7% of Global Greenfield Investment, Outpacing China

India accounted for 5.7% of global greenfield investment between 2020 and 2025, more than double China’s share. UNCTAD data highlight the concentration of investment in AI infrastructure, semiconductors and energy-transition technologies.

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Greenfield investment: Solar Farm and Global Greenfield Investment
Energy-transition technologies accounted for 7.8% of global greenfield investment between 2020 and 2025, according to UNCTAD data. Representational image. Image credit: Charl Durand/ Pexels

India accounted for 5.7% of global greenfield investment between 2020 and 2025, more than twice China’s 2.8% share, even as investment in strategically important industries remained concentrated in Europe and North America. The figures highlight India’s position as a major destination for new investment while exposing the wider challenge facing developing economies seeking a larger role in emerging technology and energy supply chains.

The findings, reported in the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD)’s latest investment analysis, come amid a shift in global capital towards artificial intelligence (AI) infrastructure, semiconductors and energy-transition technologies. These sectors accounted for 44% of global greenfield investment in 2025, compared with 16% in 2020. UNCTAD’s July 2026 analysis identifies the shift as a significant change in the direction of international investment.

India Leads Among the Listed Asian Economies

India accounted for the largest share of global greenfield investment among the Asian economies listed in the report, followed by Malaysia at 4%, Indonesia at 3.8% and China at 2.8%.

Greenfield investment involves establishing new operations in another country, such as a factory, data centre or manufacturing facility. Unlike an acquisition, which transfers ownership of an existing business, a greenfield project can create new productive capacity, although its effects on jobs, domestic suppliers and technology transfer depend on how the project is developed.

India’s 5.7% share is therefore a measure of its participation in new investment projects, rather than a direct measure of jobs created, technology acquired or investment actually realised. Announced project values and completed investments can differ.

AI Infrastructure Attracts the Largest Share

The changing composition of investment is as significant as its geographical distribution. According to the figures cited in the report, global greenfield investment totalled $845.7 billion over 2020–2025. AI infrastructure and related technologies attracted the largest share, at 12.4%, followed by the semiconductor value chain at 8.1% and energy-transition technologies and services at 7.8%.

The shift reflects the capital requirements of the digital economy, from data centres and computing infrastructure to the chips that power AI systems. Energy-transition technologies represent another strategically important area as economies invest in technologies and services associated with changing energy systems.

These industries can shape future manufacturing capacity, technology development and supply-chain relationships. Attracting investment into them can offer host countries opportunities to build industrial capabilities, but the benefits depend on whether domestic businesses, workers and research institutions become part of the value chain.

Europe and North America Retain Their Advantage

Despite the growing participation of Asian economies, strategic investment remains concentrated in a limited number of regions. Europe accounted for 28.4% of strategic investment during 2020–2025, while North America captured another 28%, according to the reported figures. Developing Asia accounted for 26.5% among developing economies, with China, India, Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore identified as leading destinations for new investment.

The distribution points to an important distinction: a country can attract a substantial share of new investment without having equal access to the industries commanding the greatest strategic importance. Strategic projects often require substantial capital, reliable energy and digital infrastructure, specialised skills and established supplier networks. Economies with these capabilities can offer investors advantages that are difficult for less industrialised countries to replicate quickly.

For developing countries, the challenge is not simply to attract foreign capital, but to secure investment in activities that strengthen domestic productive capacity and connect local businesses to international supply chains.

Industrial Policy Shapes Investment Competition

India’s record of industrial policymaking provides another part of the picture. The report’s figures show that India implemented 1,416 industrial policies between 2008 and 2021, compared with 4,201 in China and 4,025 in the United States. The figures place India among the countries that have used industrial policy extensively over the period.

Industrial policies can include incentives, subsidies, domestic manufacturing programmes and measures intended to develop particular industries. Governments use them to influence where companies invest, which technologies are developed and how domestic producers participate in global markets.

However, the number of policies alone does not establish their effectiveness. Their impact depends on implementation, the industries targeted, the resources committed and whether the measures lead to lasting improvements in productivity, technological capability and employment.

Wider Challenge for the Global South

UNCTAD’s central concern is that the shift towards strategic industries could deepen existing investment inequalities. Its July 2026 analysis found that low-income and lower-middle-income economies attracted only about 10% of global greenfield investment in strategic sectors between 2020 and 2025, compared with more than 20% in other sectors. The gap suggests that the industries attracting increasing amounts of capital are not necessarily opening opportunities evenly across the developing world.

For India, the 5.7% share offers evidence of its place in the global investment landscape. The next question is how effectively the country can translate new projects into stronger domestic supply chains, skilled employment and technological capacity, particularly in sectors such as semiconductors, AI infrastructure and energy-transition technologies.

For other developing economies, the concentration of investment presents a more fundamental concern: without the infrastructure, financing and skills required to compete, they risk remaining on the margins of industries that will shape future production and trade.

The distribution of greenfield investment will therefore matter beyond headline investment shares. It will help determine which economies build the productive capabilities needed to participate in the next phase of industrial development.

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The Climate Problem Hiding in Your Kitchen Bin

Food waste sent to landfills can generate methane as it decomposes without oxygen, adding to greenhouse gas emissions and the climate crisis.

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Waste pickers sorting through a large landfill filled with discarded plastic and other waste.
Waste pickers sort through discarded materials at a landfill. Food waste buried in landfills can release methane as it decomposes in oxygen-deprived conditions.Image Credit:UNDP

Every day, more than one billion meals go uneaten around the world. What appears to be a problem of excess food, poor planning or household waste is also becoming a climate problem, as discarded food can generate methane when it decomposes in landfills.

Global food waste reached an estimated 1.05 billion tonnes in 2022, accounting for nearly one-fifth of all food available to consumers at the retail, food service and household levels, according to the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) Food Waste Index Report 2024.

Households accounted for about 60 per cent of this waste, highlighting how everyday food consumption is closely connected to the global climate challenge.

How wasted food becomes a climate problem

Food waste becomes particularly problematic when it is sent to landfills. Buried beneath layers of other waste, organic matter decomposes in oxygen-poor conditions. Microorganisms then break it down and release methane.

Methane is a far more powerful heat-trapping gas than carbon dioxide over shorter periods. The UN estimates that methane traps about 86 times more heat than carbon dioxide over a 20-year period.

Landfills are therefore an important source of human-caused methane emissions. In the United States, municipal solid waste landfills are the third-largest source of human-related methane emissions.

The scale of food waste also means that the climate impact begins long before food reaches a landfill. Food that is never eaten still requires land, water, energy and other resources to produce, process, transport and store.

The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) estimates that around 1.4 billion hectares of agricultural land ,roughly 28 per cent of the world’s agricultural land is used to produce food that is ultimately lost or wasted.

Food waste can also contribute indirectly to deforestation because agricultural expansion remains a major driver of forest loss. Wasting food therefore means wasting the land and natural resources used to produce it.

Cutting waste could deliver faster climate benefits

The climate implications are significant, but methane’s relatively short atmospheric lifetime also presents an opportunity.

Unlike carbon dioxide, which can remain in the atmosphere for centuries, methane breaks down much faster. Cutting methane emissions can therefore produce climate benefits within decades.

“At a time when the world is searching for practical ways to slow warming quickly, tackling food waste may be one of the most immediate and cost-effective climate solutions available,” said Martin Krause, Director of the Climate Change Division at UNEP.

The Food Waste Breakthrough initiative aims to halve food waste by 2030 and could reduce methane emissions by up to 7 per cent.

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Food waste represents a major environmental threat .Image credit: Unsplash/Simon Peel

Several countries are already attempting to reduce waste before it reaches landfills. Brazil has introduced national plans focused on reducing food and organic waste, while UNEP is working with authorities, schools, communities and food businesses in Rio de Janeiro to reduce food waste.

In Kenya, a UNEP-supported initiative is recovering surplus food from across the agricultural value chain and redirecting it to early childhood education centres in underserved communities.

What happens to unavoidable food scraps?

Preventing food waste is the most effective way to avoid methane emissions. But food scraps that cannot be prevented can also be managed differently.

When organic waste is separated from other rubbish and composted in oxygen-rich conditions, it does not produce methane in the same way as food buried in an anaerobic landfill environment.

This approach is being promoted in several African countries, where organic material makes up more than half of municipal solid waste. Eleven governments, with support from the UNEP-convened Climate and Clean Air Coalition, have committed to incorporating waste pickers into formal waste-management systems and training them to sort and compost organic waste.

Another emerging approach uses black soldier flies. Their larvae consume organic waste, allowing food scraps to be converted into useful biomass. The approach is already being used in waste-management systems in countries including Uganda and Malawi.

A climate solution hiding in the bin

Global efforts to tackle food waste have gained momentum, but progress remains insufficient. The world is still far from meeting the Sustainable Development Goal of halving per-capita food waste by 2030.

More than 60 countries have also pledged, through the Declaration on Reducing Methane from Organic Waste, to cut waste-sector methane emissions by 30 to 35 per cent below 2020 levels by 2030.

For consumers, the climate connection can begin with something as simple as buying only what is needed, storing food properly and using leftovers.

“Every meal rescued, shared or never wasted is food put to better use. It is also methane avoided,” Krause said.

The message is straightforward: reducing food waste is not only about saving food. It is also about reducing the methane released when that food becomes rubbish and slowing warming in the process.

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Hunter Valley Coal Mine Gets Approval to Run to 2045. What Does It Mean for Australia’s Climate Transition?

Australia’s Hunter Valley coal mine has been approved to operate until 2045, raising questions about how the extension fits into the country’s transition towards lower emissions and its net-zero target.

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Open-pit coal mine with heavy machinery, conveyor belts and piles of extracted coal.
Heavy machinery and conveyor belts operate at an open-pit coal mine. Representational image. Image credit: Pexels

Australia’s transition away from fossil fuels faces a new test after New South Wales approved the continuation of the Hunter Valley Operations (HVO) coal mine until 2045.

The NSW Independent Planning Commission (IPC) on September 30 approved the continuation of HVO North until the end of 2045 and HVO South until the end of 2042. The project would allow an estimated 429 million tonnes of coal to be extracted from the Hunter Valley near Singleton.

The decision is significant not only because of the scale of the mine, but because it extends a major coal operation into the period in which Australia is committed to sharply reducing its greenhouse-gas emissions.

Australia’s current climate commitments include cutting national emissions by 43 per cent from 2005 levels by 2030 and by 62–70 per cent by 2035, with net-zero emissions targeted for 2050.

The latest government inventory estimates Australia’s emissions at 452.4 million tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent in the year to June 2026, a preliminary 1.8 per cent decline from the previous year. Emissions in the year to March 2026 were 25 per cent below 2005 levels.

Against that backdrop, the IPC acknowledged that the HVO project would have a substantial climate footprint. Its statement of reasons estimates that the project could result in about 809 million tonnes of greenhouse-gas emissions from local mining operations and the eventual combustion of exported coal overseas. The commission said those emissions would contribute to climate impacts in the Hunter, NSW and globally.

The 809-million-tonne figure needs an important qualification to note. it is a lifecycle-related estimate that includes overseas combustion emissions and should not be interpreted as emissions produced directly by the mine.

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Coal mine.Representational image.Image credit:Pexels

The economic case for the extension is substantial. HVO employs more than 1,500 people and engages more than 800 suppliers, according to evidence presented to the IPC. The NSW Government says the continuation could secure up to 1,500 ongoing jobs and create about 600 temporary positions through infrastructure upgrades, subject to federal approval.

The approval also comes with conditions intended to address the mine’s emissions and its eventual transition. HVO must prepare a Scope 3 Management Plan dealing with emissions associated with exported coal, maximise renewable electricity use at the mine and purchase additional carbon offsets. It must also prepare a comprehensive closure plan within 12 months, in consultation with local councils and communities, outlining how the mine will transition towards closure while supporting workers and the local economy.

The NSW Government argues that the decision can support regional employment while maintaining the state’s broader emissions-reduction pathway. It says the approved proposal has 43 per cent lower Scope 1 emissions than the company’s 2022 application. NSW’s 2026–50 coal policy also allows extensions of existing mines while ruling out applications for new greenfield coal mines.

At the national level, the federal Safeguard Mechanism is intended to reduce emissions from Australia’s largest industrial facilities. The government says the mechanism is designed to put covered facilities on a trajectory consistent with the country’s 2030 target and net-zero goal.

That creates the central question around HVO’s extension. How does Australia manages the economic and employment role of existing coal regions while reducing emissions over the same period.

The NSW approval does not settle that question. The project still requires approval from the Australian Government under the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act.

For the Hunter Valley, the decision provides a longer operating horizon for an established coal industry. For Australia’s climate transition, it brings the challenge of managing an economy in which existing fossil-fuel assets continue operating while national policy seeks progressively sustainable energy and lower emissions.

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