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India: Big Science in the 20th century and beyond

In this blog post, Ed Publica’s Science Editor, Karthik Vinod, skims over some of the state-funded science projects in India that existed before and after independence.

Karthik Vinod

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Meghnad Saha (right) with his fellow scientists posing in front of the cyclotron's magnet | Credit: Wikimedia

Science after World War II

Scientific research changed forever in the aftermath of the World War II. Nuclear weapons entered the fray, and scientists worked – not alone anymore – but now in groups rivalling organizations. Governments walked in for the first time, institutionalizing science as a state-project. In the US, Vannevar Bush’s Science: the Endless Frontier advocated for a dichotomy within science, between applied and basic research. India soon advocated for something Though flawed, it’s a blueprint used across the world, including in India. But it needs to change.

Following independence, Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s first prime minister, resorted to building centralized institutions across the country, with the Indian Institute of Technologies (IITs) being famous amongst those pursuing a technical stream. Along with the Indian Institute of Science (IISc.), they’ve attracted the country’s most meritorious and bright students. Nehru viewed and appreciated scientific thinking as a “way of life” and an aspect that’ll break the shackles of superstitious belief in many Indians. He popularized the phrase “scientific temper”, which was later amended into the Indian constitution by his daughter and late prime minister, Indira Gandhi. However, this was during the Emergency Period, when democracy was curtailed, dissidents were imprisoned, and mass sterilization campaigns castrated many men against their will.

Keeping political hypocrisy aside, the administrations since then hasn’t picked up much steam either on being serious about its fundamental scientific research. This is not to say there hasn’t been marvels in technological innovation. Vikram Sarabhai, the technocrat scientist and aristocrat, who helped seed incentives for the country to invest in a space program, envisioned science and technology to enable Indians use of state-of-the-art technology, without going through the rudimentary “stages of growth” that was thought to plague many developing nations. The Indian Space Research Organization (ISRO) builds satellites and rockets, and has been the harbinger rather in public eye for the country’s assertive rise as a space power. Fundamental science research has taken a backseat, with funding woes and political apathy felt even today.

Funding for ISRO virtually trumps anything else that churns in public scientific institutions. Though this is a common attributed share among space faring nations, India’s amongst the lower tier of nations that spends on research and development (R&D) – constituting just 0.64% of the Indian economy, and a continuing decline in funds allocated in yesteryears. India’s next door neighbor China spends some 2.4%, and both the US and UK spend either 3% or more per year.

It’s not like India doesn’t have illustrious or even seminal scientific contributions in the modern age. Scientific research did flourish in British India, amongst a few practitioners, benefitting from uninterrupted time in their laboratories with relatively cheap equipment– as with experimentalists such as Jagdish Chandra Bose and C.V. Raman; to name a few, or theorists including Meghnad Saha and S.N. Bose. Today though, these names remain largely confined to history in public discourse.

Science in pre-independent India

The imperial capital of science in India, Calcutta, was home to top-tier frontier research in quantum mechanics in the early 20th century. In the 1920s, Satyendra Nath Bose, a theorist, solved a particular problem related to the blackbody radiation law that evaded even Einstein. Bose, whom we profiled in our Know the Scientist page, fostered a collaboration with Einstein, culminating in numerous theoretical advances in quantum statistics, especially predicting the fifth state of matter, the Bose-Einstein condensate. Paul Dirac, the English physicist, coined the name bosons, after the class of quantum particles with integer spins, that Bose and Einstein’s statistics describe properties. It was one of these bosons (a word-play on “Bose-ons”) that particle physicists confirmed at the Large Hadron Collider (LHC) in Geneva, Switzerland in 2012.

Science during British India was top-notch, and continued its trend in the immediate aftermath of Indian independence. In 1948, Calcutta was abuzz again, but now with a cyclotron that they were building. A cyclotron’s a device that accelerates particles to near light-speed in the presence of electromagnetic fields, thereby producing radiation. It aided in frontier research in nuclear physics, for example, measuring cross-sections of the uranium nucleus (U-235). Housed at the Saha Institute of Nuclear Physics, accelerator physicists received funding to build a bigger cyclotron at the Variable Energy Cyclotron Centre, touching energies in the MeV range. Today, it’s part of the International Radioactive Ion Beam consortium, helping spread India’s fundamental research reach across the world.

So far, there’s been little coverage about the research in much of central universities and research institutions. It’s surprising how Bose’s contribution to quantum theory found no mention in India’s media discourse. Indian science hasn’t had limelight, not because there’s little research output – though there’s a case to make, as many has made before – but there’s a need for science communicators and journalists to help bridge that gap that exists between scientists and the public. The government has shown little consideration to extend science communication beyond publishing white papers about its importance.

Scientist or engineer?

Media representation of science is confused. The space program, that receives much public adulation and emblematic of national pride, is wrongly perceived as a scientific institution. Space engineers have become scientists in the public eye, despite rocket and satellite development is a matter of engineering, and not science. The former Indian president and “ISRO scientist” Abdul Kalam wasn’t a scientist per se, but an aerospace engineer. Barely mentioned in our public discourse are scientists that’ve done commendable research across the sciences.

Science done in central or local institutions for that matter hasn’t shared the limelight, anywhere as ISRO has since Independence. It’s the government’s pet, and has shaped narratives of technological innovation within and outside India. But this is largely technology history, without much scientific imperative.

Taking initiative

On the flip side, there’s much smaller science projects, that does combine the best of both worlds, combining technology development and science; thus blurring the dichotomy between applied and basic science research.

Govind Swarup, an Indian astronomer, worshiped by his peers as a “father of Indian radio astronomy” had voiced for a radio observatory, the first of its kind in Asia, to be constructed in the 1950s. The Indian government wasn’t interested, unless the astronomers received funds from sponsor countries. Australia had offered to pay and construct, after a long tussle, following which either party withdrew from discussions.

It was not until the 1980s, did India commence building an indigenous radio telescope. In 1995, the country’s first radio telescope, the Great Metrewave Radio Telescope (GMRT) was operational after a decade of construction. The team at GMRT contributed to the first detections of the cosmic gravitational wave background with its European radio astronomy counterparts in the Pulsar Timing Array project.

In 2016, the Indian astronomy community were greenlit to construct a gravitational wave detector in Pune, following confirmation of gravitational waves in February that year. Though this project too bas been plagued by successive delay construction would supposedly take off soon (perhaps late this year). In light of these late developments, politicians and scientists have begun beating the drums about the potential economic impact from involving Indian industry in the construction of the detector – utilizing state-of-the-art quantum technologies – in partnership with international teams. For the scientific community, precious data from the detector is incentive for attracting and inspiring the country’s emerging scientific talent.

Meanwhile, there’ve been hurdles that’ve prevented few other projects from taking off. The India-based Neutrino Observatory (INO), in Tamil Nadu, is one glaring example. Poor policy making amid environmental concerns that wasn’t addressed in time has forestalled construction for more than a decade. In this case rather, neither scientist nor policy maker bothered to engage with the public and hear out their concerns. And it takes much more development in science policies and public engagement to resolve these systemic issues.

Technology

From Tehran Rooftops To Orbit: How Elon Musk Is Reshaping Who Controls The Internet

How Starlink turned the sky into a battleground for digital power — and why one private network now challenges the sovereignty of states

Dipin Damodharan

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From Tehran Rooftops To Orbit: How Starlink Is Reshaping Who Controls The Internet
AI-assisted illustration | S James / EdPublica

On a rooftop in northern Tehran, long after midnight, a young engineering student adjusts a flat white dish toward the sky. The city around him is digitally dark—mobile data throttled, social media blocked, foreign websites unreachable. Yet inside his apartment, a laptop screen glows with Telegram messages, BBC livestreams, and uncensored access to the outside world.

Scenes like this have appeared repeatedly in footage from Iran’s unrest broadcast by international news channels.

But there’s a catch. The connection does not travel through Iranian cables or telecom towers. It comes from space.

Above him, hundreds of kilometres overhead, a small cluster of satellites belonging to Elon Musk’s Starlink network relays his data through the vacuum of orbit, bypassing the state entirely.

For governments built on control of information, this is no longer a technical inconvenience. It is a political nightmare. The image is quietly extraordinary. Not because of the technology — that story is already familiar — but because of what it represents: a private satellite network, owned by a US billionaire, now functioning as a parallel communications system inside a sovereign state that has deliberately tried to shut its citizens offline.

The Rise of an Unstoppable Network

Starlink, operated by Musk’s aerospace company SpaceX, has quietly become the most ambitious communications infrastructure ever built by a private individual.

As of late 2025, more than 9,000 Starlink satellites orbit Earth in low Earth orbit (LEO) (SpaceX / industry trackers, 2025). According to a report in Business Insider, the network serves over 9 million active users globally, and Starlink now operates in more than 155 countries and territories (Starlink coverage data, 2025).

It is the largest satellite constellation in human history, dwarfing every government system combined.

This is not merely a technology story. It is a power story.

Unlike traditional internet infrastructure — fibre cables, mobile towers, undersea routes — Starlink’s backbone exists in space. It does not cross borders. It does not require landing rights in the conventional sense. And, increasingly, it does not ask permission.

Iran: When the Sky Replaced the State

During successive waves of anti-government protests in Iran, authorities imposed sweeping internet shutdowns: mobile networks crippled, platforms blocked, bandwidth throttled to near zero. These tactics, used repeatedly since 2019, were designed to isolate protesters from each other and from the outside world.

They did not fully anticipate space-based internet.

By late 2024 and 2025, Starlink terminals had begun appearing clandestinely across Iranian cities, smuggled through borders or carried in by diaspora networks. Possession is illegal. Penalties are severe. Yet the demand has grown.

Because the network operates without local infrastructure, users can communicate with foreign media, upload protest footage in real time, coordinate securely beyond state surveillance, and maintain access even during nationwide blackouts.

The numbers are necessarily imprecise, but multiple independent estimates provide a sense of scale. Analysts at BNE IntelliNews estimated over 30,000 active Starlink users inside Iran by 2025.

Iranian activist networks suggest the number of physical terminals may be between 50,000 and 100,000, many shared across neighbourhoods. Earlier acknowledgements from Elon Musk confirmed that SpaceX had activated service coverage over Iran despite the lack of formal licensing.

This is what alarms governments most: the state no longer controls the kill switch.

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Infographics: created using NotebookLM. Concept & Analysis: EdPublica. Sources: International Telecommunication Union (ITU) reports; telecom shutdown analyses; SpaceX technical documentation; industry studies

Ukraine: When One Man Could Switch It Off

The power — and danger — of this new infrastructure became even clearer in Ukraine.

After Russia’s 2022 invasion, Starlink terminals were shipped in by the thousands to keep Ukrainian communications alive. Hospitals, emergency services, journalists, and frontline military units all relied on it. For a time, Starlink was celebrated as a technological shield for democracy.

Then came the uncomfortable reality.

Investigative reporting later revealed that Elon Musk personally intervened in decisions about where Starlink would and would not operate. In at least one documented case, coverage was restricted near Crimea, reportedly to prevent Ukrainian drone operations against Russian naval assets.

The implications were stark: A private individual, accountable to no electorate, had the power to influence the operational battlefield of a sovereign war. Governments noticed.

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Infographics: created using NotebookLM. Concept & Analysis: EdPublica. Sources: SpaceX disclosures, Business Insider, satellite trackers, Starlink coverage data

Digital Sovereignty in the Age of Orbit

For decades, states have understood sovereignty to include control of national telecom infrastructure, regulation of internet providers, the legal authority to impose shutdowns, the power to filter, censor, and surveil.

Starlink disrupts all of it.

Because, the satellites are in space, outside national jurisdiction. Access can be activated remotely by SpaceX, and the terminals can be smuggled like USB devices. Traffic can bypass domestic data laws entirely.

In effect, Starlink represents a parallel internet — one that states cannot fully regulate, inspect, or disable without extraordinary countermeasures such as satellite jamming or physical raids.

Authoritarian regimes view this as foreign interference. Democratic governments increasingly see it as a strategic vulnerability. Either way, the monopoly problem is the same: A single corporate network, controlled by one individual, increasingly functions as critical global infrastructure.

How the Technology Actually Works

The power of Starlink lies in its architecture. Traditional internet depends on fibre-optic cables across cities and oceans, local internet exchanges, mobile towers and ground stations, and centralised chokepoints.

Starlink bypasses most of this. Instead, it uses thousands of LEO satellites orbiting at ~550 km altitude, user terminals (“dishes”) that automatically track satellites overhead, inter-satellite laser links, allowing data to travel from satellite to satellite in space, and a limited number of ground gateways connecting the system to the wider internet.

This design creates resilience: No single tower to shut down, no local ISP to regulate, and no fibre line to cut.

For protesters, journalists, and dissidents, this is transformative. For governments, it is destabilising.

A Private Citizen vs the Rules of the Internet

The global internet was built around multistakeholder governance: National regulators, international bodies like the ITU, treaties governing spectrum use, and complex norms around cross-border infrastructure.

Starlink bypasses much of this through sheer technical dominance, and it has become a company that: owns the rockets, owns the satellites, owns the terminals, controls activation, controls pricing, controls coverage zones… effectively controls a layer of global communication.

This is why policymakers now speak openly of “digital sovereignty at risk”. It is no longer only China’s Great Firewall or Iran’s censorship model under scrutiny. It is the idea that global connectivity itself might be increasingly privatised, personalised, and politically unpredictable.

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Infographics: created using NotebookLM. Concept & Analysis: EdPublica. Sources: BNE IntelliNews, Reuters, investigative journalism, activist networks, policy reports

The Unanswered Question

Starlink undeniably delivers real benefits, it offers connectivity in disaster zones, internet access in rural Africa, emergency communications in war, educational access where infrastructure never existed.

But it also raises an uncomfortable, unresolved question: Should any individual — however visionary, however innovative — hold this much power over who gets access to the global flow of information?

Today, a protester in Tehran can speak to the world because Elon Musk chooses to allow it.

Tomorrow, that access could disappear just as easily — with a policy change, a commercial decision, or a geopolitical calculation.The sky has become infrastructure. Infrastructure has become power. And power, increasingly, belongs not to states — but to a handful of corporations.

There is another layer to this power calculus — and it is economic. While Starlink has been quietly enabled over countries such as Iran without formal approval, China remains a conspicuous exception. The reason is less technical than commercial. Elon Musk’s wider business empire, particularly Tesla, is deeply entangled with China’s economy. Shanghai hosts Tesla’s largest manufacturing facility in the world, responsible for more than half of the company’s global vehicle output, and Chinese consumers form one of Tesla’s most critical markets.

Chinese authorities, in turn, have made clear their hostility to uncontrolled foreign satellite internet, viewing it as a threat to state censorship and information control. Beijing has banned Starlink terminals, restricted their military use, and invested heavily in its own rival satellite constellation. For Musk, activating Starlink over China would almost certainly provoke regulatory retaliation that could jeopardise Tesla’s operations, supply chains, and market access. The result is an uncomfortable contradiction: the same technology framed as a tool of freedom in Iran or Ukraine is conspicuously absent over China — a reminder that even a supposedly borderless internet still bends to the gravitational pull of corporate interests and geopolitical power.

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Climate

Ancient lake sediments suggest India’s monsoon was far stronger during medieval warm period

New palaeoclimate evidence from central India suggests that the Indian Summer Monsoon was significantly stronger during the medieval warm period than previously believed

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Ancient lake sediments suggest India’s monsoon was far stronger during medieval warm period
Image credit: Ankit Rainloure/Pexels

India’s monsoon history may be more intense than previously assumed, according to new palaeoclimate evidence recovered from lake sediments in central India. Scientists analysing microscopic pollen preserved in Raja Rani Lake, in present-day Korba district of Chhattisgarh, have found signs of unusually strong and sustained Indian Summer Monsoon rainfall between about 1,060 and 1,725 CE.

The findings come from researchers at the Birbal Sahni Institute of Palaeosciences (BSIP), an autonomous institute under the Department of Science and Technology, and are based on a detailed reconstruction of vegetation and climate in India’s Core Monsoon Zone (CMZ)—the region that receives nearly 90 percent of the country’s annual rainfall from the Indian Summer Monsoon.

Reading climate history from pollen

Researchers extracted a 40-centimetre-long sediment core from Raja Rani Lake. These layers of mud record environmental changes spanning roughly the last 2,500 years. Embedded within them are fossil pollen grains released by plants that once grew around the lake.

By identifying and counting these grains—a method known as palynology—the team reconstructed past vegetation patterns and inferred climate conditions. Forest species that thrive in warm, humid environments point to periods of strong rainfall, while grasses and herbs are indicators of relatively drier phases.

According to the scientists, the pollen record from the medieval period shows a clear dominance of moist and dry tropical deciduous forest taxa. This points to a persistently warm and humid climate in central India, driven by a strong monsoon system, with no evidence of prolonged dry spells within the CMZ during that time.

Medieval Climate Anomaly linked to stronger monsoon

The period of intensified rainfall coincides with the Medieval Climate Anomaly (MCA), a globally recognised warm phase dated to roughly 1,060–1,725 CE. The study suggests that the strengthened Indian Summer Monsoon during this interval was shaped by a combination of global and regional drivers.

In a media statement, the researchers noted that La Niña–like conditions—typically associated with stronger Indian monsoons—may have prevailed during the MCA. Other contributing factors likely included a northward shift of the Inter Tropical Convergence Zone, positive temperature anomalies, higher sunspot numbers and increased solar activity.

Why this matters today

The Core Monsoon Zone is particularly sensitive to fluctuations in the Indian Summer Monsoon, making it a key region for understanding long-term hydroclimatic variability during the Late Holocene (also known as the Meghalayan Age). Scientists say insights from this period are crucial for contextualising present-day monsoon behaviour under ongoing climate change.

The BSIP team said high-resolution palaeoclimate records such as these can strengthen climate models used to simulate future rainfall patterns. Beyond academic interest, the findings have implications for water management, agriculture and climate-resilient policy planning in monsoon-dependent regions.

By revealing that central India once experienced a more intense and sustained monsoon than previously recognised, the study adds a deeper historical perspective to debates on how the Indian monsoon may respond to current and future warming.

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Society

Reliance to build India’s largest AI-ready data centre, positions Gujarat as global AI hub

As part of making Gujarat India’s artificial intelligence pioneer, in Jamnagar we are building India’s largest AI-ready data centre: Mukesh Ambani

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Reliance Industries Limited, India’s largest business group, has announced plans to build the country’s largest artificial intelligence–ready data centre in Jamnagar, a coastal industrial city in the western Indian state of Gujarat, as part of a broader push to expand access to AI technologies at population scale.

The announcement was made by Mukesh Ambani, chairman and managing director of Reliance Industries, during the Vibrant Gujarat Regional Conference for the Kutch and Saurashtra region, a government-led investment and development forum focused on regional economic growth.

Ambani said the Jamnagar facility is being developed with a single objective: “Affordable AI for every Indian.” He positioned the project as a foundational investment in India’s digital infrastructure, aimed at enabling large-scale adoption of artificial intelligence across sectors including industry, services, education and public administration.

“As part of making Gujarat India’s artificial intelligence pioneer, in Jamnagar we are building India’s largest AI-ready data centre,” Ambani said, adding that the facility is intended to support widespread access to AI tools for individuals, enterprises and institutions.

Reliance also announced that its digital arm, Jio, will launch a “people-first intelligence platform,” designed to deliver AI services in multiple languages and across consumer devices. According to Ambani, the platform is being built in India for both domestic and international users, with a focus on everyday productivity and digital inclusion.

The AI initiative forms part of Reliance’s broader commitment to invest approximately Rs 7 trillion (about USD 85 billion) in Gujarat over the next five years. The company said the investments are expected to generate large-scale employment while positioning the region as a hub for emerging technologies.

The Jamnagar AI data centre is being developed alongside what Reliance describes as the world’s largest integrated clean energy manufacturing ecosystem, encompassing solar power, battery storage, green hydrogen and advanced materials. Ambani said the city, historically known as a major hub for oil refining and petrochemicals, is being re-engineered as a centre for next-generation energy and digital technologies.

The announcements were made in the presence of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Gujarat Chief Minister Bhupendra Patel, underscoring the alignment between public policy and private investment in India’s long-term technology and infrastructure strategy.

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